American Rout in Iraq:
An assessment
of the consequences
Lorenzo Matteoli
The rout of the US Marines from
Falluja, the calling in of the Iraqi Battalion lead by former Saddam
generals and the exposure of the revolting behavioural patterns of
the officers and prison guards in Abu Ghraib and Basra, are the seals
of history on the moral, cultural and military defeat of the Coalition
in Iraq.
It will take months before this simple truth will sink in and be accepted
by the defeated, and acknowledged by election-prone US leaders.
It will be a long and harrowing experience with more torture and slaughters,
with the body count of this lost war soaring to the tens of thousands.
Eventually, the American Army will pull out of Iraq, more or less
decently, possibly without even saving face, soiled by the urine of
the Abu Ghraib heroic wardens.
The war was carried out with barbaric stupidity and incompetence by
the leaders of an army that learned nothing from the chain of defeats
in Vietnam, Somalia, Guatemala, Panama, Granada...
The shame of Abu Ghraib will remain and will mark with infamy a nation
that, for decades, we have considered to be the leader and top representative
of the civic values of the Western World.
Amongst others, the American media will try their best to manipulate,
diminish, hide and blur responsibilities. The pathetic thugs who committed
the atrocities will be punished with great publicity, but the actions
and complicity of the generals and ruling elite will not be readily
forgiven or forgotten and the revolting stench of their story will
linger for decades.
For this stain on the West (and not only for the American Army and
the US leaders) someone will have to be accountable.
If the purpose of the war was to find and eliminate WMDs it was useless.
If it was to change Saddams horrific regime, the result will
be paid with an equally horrific price. If it was for the control
of oil, it is lost.
If the war was to liberate Iraq and bring western freedom
and democracy, the result is yet another failure. Iraq will go through
a long civil war with never-ending feuds among the different kinds
of Islamic fundamentalism, ethnic and tribal power seekers, different
factions and clans of Islamic terrorism. We will see ethnic cleansing,
torture, hostage blackmail and warfare for generations to come.
The moral, cultural and military defeat of the greatest World Power
must be carefully assessed and analyzed, first of all because it was
not forecast and secondly because the consequences will be on an historic
planetary scale.
America loses not only the oil in Iraq and the control on Central
Asian oil resources for the next twenty years, but her economic and
financial credibility as well. We will see the markets slowly and
sternly respond to that in one or two years: the time for the concept
to be metabolized by World public opinion.
The US tragedy in Iraq again reveals the deep cultural worthlessness
of the American leading class. The culture of the American
corporate management, arrogance and short term greed, cannot be trusted
to steward the huge strategic investments that are systematically
lured to the US markets. The question is, how long will it take for
this dramatic evidence to sink into the minds of the great World investors
(Asian and European Financial Institutions and Banks)? How many more
Enrons, Worldcoms, Bushes, Wolfovitzes, Rumsfelds or Halliburtons
do we need before we get the message?
The other blatant consequence is the loss of military credibility
of the United States: the World Policeman is powerless
when challenged on the grounds of urban guerrilla warfare.
The main dealers of the World hot spots on the various war stages
(Israel, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Pakistan, Cashmere, Central
Asia, Indonesia...) now know that the giant has clay feet and a mind
obscured by a fuzzy and puerile cultural vision.
The arrogance of the words Mission accomplished, Bring them
on... show no consistent intelligence and military skills.
Every warlord or sheik capable of organizing
a gung-ho army of a few thousand fanatic mujahedeens knows that he
can grasp a territorial domain and the political space to negotiate
as a World Power. Osama Ben Laden is redesigning his strategies.
Another consequence of the Bushist puerility is that the credibility
and negotiating leverage of international extreme pacifists and do-gooders
has been grossly inflated and will consistently promote the initiative
of global terrorism (alQaeda is by now obsolete). Many countries
will have to negotiate officially with the representatives of terrorism
(Saudi Arabia, Emirates, Yemen, Iran, Sudan, Nigeria...). Many will
have ambiguous secret contacts and equivocal deals, as Italy did with
Libya in the seventies.
For the generations, which for almost a century believed in the ideal
values of freedom and democracy and have trusted the United States
of America to be the safe keepers of these values, the tragic blunder
in Iraq is hard to take, as it was hard to accept and tolerate the
shame of My Lai.
Angelo Panebianco on the Corriere della Sera (Gli anticorpi dellorrore)
is not convincing. It is better to admit guilt with humility, than
to find a sordid consolation in the staunch certainty to be better
than Saddam Hussein.
Is it really a matter for pride to be better than Mugabe?
Lorenzo Matteoli