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The following are quotes added to my Shroud of Turin unclassified quotes in September 2007. See copyright conditions at end.
[Index: May, Jun, Jul, Aug (1), Aug (2), Oct, Nov, Dec]
1/09/2007 "Frei was permitted to take 12 tape samples from the frontal end of the Shroud in 1973 and it was from this resource that he constructed his study of the 58 plant types represented on the Shroud. (1982 [Frei, M., "Nine Years of Palinological Studies on the Shroud," in Shroud Spectrum International, Issue 3, June 1982, pp. 3-7]) In his view these were largely deposited on the Shroud via wind deposition. In 1978 Frei and STURP both took sticky tape samples. Since ASSIST had access to the Frei samples from 1986 until 1993 and access to three of the STURP samples I was able to compare the two and suggested in my paper (presented in Paris in 1989; Maloney, 1990) that not only was there a distinct difference between the two methodologies of sampling, they represented two levels of material-STURP's samples preserving material from the crowns of the threads, Frei's samples included not only crown material but also material from deeper in the interstices of the weave of the cloth. To this we may add that Riggi's vacuum samples represent a third level of materials-apparently differing again both in their statistical nature and in the characteristics of the materials retrieved compared to the contents of the two sticky tape methods-from the backside of the Shroud. But let me emphasize here that in all sampling methods the investigator will find some common denominators-red and blue silk, burned flax fibers, and pollen grains (Heller & Adler, 1981, p. 86)-indicative of the spectrum of debris found on the Shroud." (Maloney, P.C., "Researching the Shroud of Turin: 1898 to the Present: A Brief Survey of Findings and Views," in Minor, M., Adler, A.D. & Piczek, I., eds., "The Shroud of Turin: Unraveling the Mystery: Proceedings of the 1998 Dallas Symposium," Alexander Books: Alexander NC, 2002, pp.30-31) 1/09/2007 "In 1993, the Whangers acquired the entire Frei Collection from Mr. Paul Maloney of ASSIST, where the collection had been on loan from Mrs. Frei-Sulzer. This collection consists of `sticky-tape' slides Dr. Max Frei personally, collected both in 1973 and 1978 directly from the Shroud of Turin, as well as other slides he collected from the Tunic of Argenteuil and the Crown of Thorns. His original notes and manuscripts, along with numerous photographs and control samples are also included in this priceless collection. To alleviate previous allegations that Dr. Frei had `salted' the tapes, CSST retained the services of a supervisory forensic examiner in 1997 who concluded that there was no evidence of tampering with the `sticky-tapes,' after conducting a thorough examination of each individual Frei tape." (Dayvault, P.E., "CSST-An Overview," in Minor, M., Adler, A.D. & Piczek, I., eds., "The Shroud of Turin: Unraveling the Mystery: Proceedings of the 1998 Dallas Symposium," Alexander Books: Alexander NC, 2002, pp.145-146. Emphasis original) 2/09/2007 "Minute plant parts and pollen grains were incidentally observed on the Shroud of Turin by Dr. M. Frei in 1973 when he was asked for an opinion by the church about accuracy of earlier photographs (Frei 1982). Applying methods he developed in his forensic investigations, Frei used transparent sticky tapes approximately 5 cm long which he pressed into the linen of the Shroud using pressure of his thumb to assure collecting of small particles for microscopic examination. The location of his sampling sites in 1978 utilized a grid devised by Prof. Baima Bollone and Dr. Aurelio Ghio and is fully documented photographically by Barrie Schwortz (Schwortz 1978 and 1998) and partially in Weaver (1980: p. 750). Comparing the pollen grains he found on the Shroud with pollen grains he obtained from living specimens in Israel, Turkey, Cyprus. France, and Italy, Frei (1982) concluded that the Shroud with its pollen must have originated in the Middle East. His untimely death in 1983 prevented him from completing the examination of his collection of 1978. Preliminary studies of his material by Maloney (1988) revealed a wealth of additional pollen grains as well as other plant parts." (Danin, A. & Baruch, U., "Floristic Indicators for the Origin of the Shroud of Turin," Paper presented at the Third International Congress on the Shroud of Turin, 6 June 1998, Turin, Italy, in Minor, M., Adler, A.D. & Piczek, I., eds., "The Shroud of Turin: Unraveling the Mystery: Proceedings of the 1998 Dallas Symposium," Alexander Books: Alexander NC, 2002, p.202) 2/09/2007 "Images of plants were detected on the Shroud by Scheuermann (1983 and by Whanger and Whanger in 1985 on photographically enhanced prints of negatives from photographs by Enrie in 1931. The Whangers tentatively identified the plant images by comparison to 1:1 illustrations of plants in Flora Palaestina (Feinbrun 1978; Zohary 1966, 1972 . ... The first author became involved with the interpretation of plant images he saw on the 1:1 enhanced photos of the Shroud at the Whangers' collection at Durham, North Carolina in 1997. The second author in February 1998 checked microscopic slides derived from the Shroud, sampled by Frei, which are in the custody of The Council for Study of the Shroud of Turin (CSST)." (Danin, A. & Baruch, U., "Floristic Indicators for the Origin of the Shroud of Turin," Paper presented at the Third International Congress on the Shroud of Turin, 6 June 1998, Turin, Italy, in Minor, M., Adler, A.D. & Piczek, I., eds., "The Shroud of Turin: Unraveling the Mystery: Proceedings of the 1998 Dallas Symposium," Alexander Books: Alexander NC, 2002, pp.202-203) 2/09/2007 "Microscopic slides sampled by Dr. Max Frei in 1973 and 14 of the 27 slides he sampled in 1978 were studied microscopically at 100 to 800 power magnification. In determining the pollen grains from the Shroud, U. Baruch compared grain morphology with control specimens, collected and determined by A. Danin in 1996 & 1997, and his own control collection. The samples were studied using an Olympus AX-70 computerized research light microscope." (Danin, A. & Baruch, U., "Floristic Indicators for the Origin of the Shroud of Turin," Paper presented at the Third International Congress on the Shroud of Turin, 6 June 1998, Turin, Italy, in Minor, M., Adler, A.D. & Piczek, I., eds., "The Shroud of Turin: Unraveling the Mystery: Proceedings of the 1998 Dallas Symposium," Alexander Books: Alexander NC, 2002, pp.202-203) 2/09/2007 "Plant image detection Plant images were studied at the first stage using 1:1 prints derived from third generation approved Giuseppe Enrie (1931) negatives and printed for high contrast (Whanger & Whanger 1998). The findings were later compared to the negatives of Secondo Pia (1898) displayed in Museo Della Sindone and Archivio di Stato, both in Turin. They were also compared to a 25% life size colour photograph of the Shroud (Miller, 1978) and to the fluorescence photos assembled by Miller (1978). Finally, on June 4, 1998 the first author observed a few of the images on the Shroud itself, using a pair of binoculars from a distance of ca. 4 m, at the exposition of the Shroud of Turin. Plant name nomenclature follows Feinbrun- Dothan and Danin (1991) and Danin (1998)." (Danin, A. & Baruch, U., "Floristic Indicators for the Origin of the Shroud of Turin," Paper presented at the Third International Congress on the Shroud of Turin, 6 June 1998, Turin, Italy, in Minor, M., Adler, A.D. & Piczek, I., eds., "The Shroud of Turin: Unraveling the Mystery: Proceedings of the 1998 Dallas Symposium," Alexander Books: Alexander NC, 2002, p.203) 2/09/2007 "Pollen Table 1 presents results of re-determination of microscopic slides which were determined by Frei (1982). The rest of the slides reported by Frei (l.c.) are not in the possession of CSST at present. Of the 34 pollen grains reported at the specific level by Frei (1982) only 3 are recognized as such (Gundelia tournefortii, Ricinus communis, and Lomelosia [Scabiosa] prolifera) by the present authors. All Frei's determinations are correct at the higher taxonomical level, however, the differences in our perception will be discussed later." (Danin, A. & Baruch, U., "Floristic Indicators for the Origin of the Shroud of Turin," Paper presented at the Third International Congress on the Shroud of Turin, 6 June 1998, Turin, Italy, in Minor, M., Adler, A.D. & Piczek, I., eds., "The Shroud of Turin: Unraveling the Mystery: Proceedings of the 1998 Dallas Symposium," Alexander Books: Alexander NC, 2002, p.204. Emphasis original) 2/09/2007 "Table 2 presents the results of pollen determination of the 1973 tapes and 14 of the 27 sticky tapes sampled by Frei in 1978. The most frequent type of pollen of all 168 grains studied is that of Gundelia tournefortii which accounts for 33.3% of the grains investigated and identified. The second most frequent is the Cistaceae type (13.1%). Although Dr. A. Orville Dahl determined several clustered pollen grains which he identified as likely those of Cistus creticus from tape 6Bd (Whanger 1996), we can not approve or disapprove this determination until pollen of the suspected Cistaceae are removed from the sticky tape and determined under a microscope with higher resolution." (Danin, A. & Baruch, U., "Floristic Indicators for the Origin of the Shroud of Turin," Paper presented at the Third International Congress on the Shroud of Turin, 6 June 1998, Turin, Italy, in Minor, M., Adler, A.D. & Piczek, I., eds., "The Shroud of Turin: Unraveling the Mystery: Proceedings of the 1998 Dallas Symposium," Alexander Books: Alexander NC, 2002, p.204) 2/09/2007 "Plant images Images of opened flowers, flowering buds, inflorescences, leaves, spiny bracts, stems, and fruits have been observed on photos of the Shroud and An the Shroud itself. An example of an inflorescence of a plant from the Cisteraceae (Compositae), best fitting in size and morphology to that of Chrysanthemum coronarium, is presented in Fig. 1. Hundreds of additional flowers and inflorescences were discovered on the enhanced photos 4 the Shroud. We shall restrict ourselves in the present paper to only three species which are the most significant. An image of an inflorescence of Gundelia tournefortii was observed at the area of the right anatomic shoulder (Fig. 1). Discovered first on Enrie's enhanced photos it was later seen again at the same location in Enrie (1931) and Pia (1898) negatives in Turin, and in Miller (1978) colour photo. Images of Zygophyllum dumosum leaves were observed at the man's chest area, above the boundary of the water stain (of the fire extinguishing at the church in Chambery, France, 1532). The leaf of Z. dumosum, which starts to develop in winter, is succulent. It has a sausage-like petiole and two flat thick elliptic leaflets (Figs. 2, 3). In summer the two leaflets dry and fall. The six-months- old sausage-like leaf slowly shrinks during the summer. Following the first rain the one-year-old leaf swells and resumes its full size. By that time new leaves, each with two leaflets start to grow. The images on the Shroud are of two pairs of young but full-sized leaves and a few sausage-like older leaves (Fig. 2). The large top-left leaf in this figure was first observed on Enrie's (1931) enhanced photograph and later on his negatives, on Pia's (1898) negatives, on Miller's (1978) colour photograph, on Miller's (1978) fluorescence photo, and finally on the Shroud itself." (Danin, A. & Baruch, U., "Floristic Indicators for the Origin of the Shroud of Turin," Paper presented at the Third International Congress on the Shroud of Turin, 6 June 1998, Turin, Italy, in Minor, M., Adler, A.D. & Piczek, I., eds., "The Shroud of Turin: Unraveling the Mystery: Proceedings of the 1998 Dallas Symposium," Alexander Books: Alexander NC, 2002, pp.205-206. Emphasis original) 2/09/2007 "A peduncle carrying three fruits of Pistacia lentiscus (Fig. 1) was observed in all the five media listed above for the Zygophyllum dumosum leaf. In addition there are more than 300 spots, at same size as these three fruits, most of which have an attached line which looks like a pedicel. Many of these spots, interpreted as fruits as well, are attached to branched lines which resemble peduncles of Pistacia palaestina and P. atlantica (as illustrated by Huber, 1972)." (Danin, A. & Baruch, U., "Floristic Indicators for the Origin of the Shroud of Turin," Paper presented at the Third International Congress on the Shroud of Turin, 6 June 1998, Turin, Italy, in Minor, M., Adler, A.D. & Piczek, I., eds., "The Shroud of Turin: Unraveling the Mystery: Proceedings of the 1998 Dallas Symposium," Alexander Books: Alexander NC, 2002, p.206) 2/09/2007 "Chronological notes Being the most frequent pollen type on the Shroud (Table 2), Gundelia tournefortii may serve as a quasi-calendar for indicating the season when its spiny flower-carrying inflorescence was laid on the Shroud. According to Feinbrun-Dothan and Danin (1991) G. tournefortii blooms from March to May. Danin's field observations of 1998 could extend the blooming time to February in the warm parts of its area in Israel. This definite calendar dictates the origin of Pistacia fruits. All the three species do not bear fruits between February and May. Therefore these fruits were originated from a preserved source and were not picked up directly from local trees and shrubs. The phenologic status of Zygophyllum dumosum indicated by the presence of leaves from two years and from flowers (Fig. 3) may be found in the eastern Judean Desert between January and April." (Danin, A. & Baruch, U., "Floristic Indicators for the Origin of the Shroud of Turin," Paper presented at the Third International Congress on the Shroud of Turin, 6 June 1998, Turin, Italy, in Minor, M., Adler, A.D. & Piczek, I., eds., "The Shroud of Turin: Unraveling the Mystery: Proceedings of the 1998 Dallas Symposium," Alexander Books: Alexander NC, 2002, p.207. Emphasis original) 2/09/2007 "Spatial notes Gundelia tournefortii is restricted to the Middle East. Zygophyllum dumosum is endemic to Israel, West Jordan, and Sinai. The three Pistacia species mentioned above have a wider distribution area, and since their fruiting time does not coincide with the flowering time of Gundelia tournefortii they have no significance as distributional or chronological indicators (cf. Discussion)." (Danin, A. & Baruch, U., "Floristic Indicators for the Origin of the Shroud of Turin," Paper presented at the Third International Congress on the Shroud of Turin, 6 June 1998, Turin, Italy, in Minor, M., Adler, A.D. & Piczek, I., eds., "The Shroud of Turin: Unraveling the Mystery: Proceedings of the 1998 Dallas Symposium," Alexander Books: Alexander NC, 2002, p.207. Emphasis original) 2/09/2007 "Discussion The two plant species that are part of the Shroud, evidenced by pollen grains incorporated among the linen threads and by their images, indicate that it came from the Middle East. The most likely area where flowering stems of both G. tournefortii and Z. dumosum could be laid fresh on the Shroud is the vicinity of Jerusalem. Pollen grains of G. tournefortii at a density of 11-14 grains/5 cm 2 could not derive from dispersal by natural agents (e.g. wind) (Fig. 4). In the rare cases where pollen grains of this species were found as part of the `pollen-rain' (Baruch 1993), they never reached a density of more than 1-2 grains/400 cm 2. The inevitable conclusion is that the pollen containing inflorescence or inflorescences had been laid on the Shroud, prior to the formation of the plant images sometime in the remote past." (Danin, A. & Baruch, U., "Floristic Indicators for the Origin of the Shroud of Turin," Paper presented at the Third International Congress on the Shroud of Turin, 6 June 1998, Turin, Italy, in Minor, M., Adler, A.D. & Piczek, I., eds., "The Shroud of Turin: Unraveling the Mystery: Proceedings of the 1998 Dallas Symposium," Alexander Books: Alexander NC, 2002, pp.207-208. Emphasis original) 2/09/2007 "There can be hardly any doubt that the plant images presented here form a genuine part of the Shroud. The proof we have that they are not artifacts caused in the processes of photographic enhancement of Enrie's (1931) negatives, is that the images were discovered also on Enrie's negatives, the photos made by Pia (1898), and those of Miller (1978). The three sets of photographs are separated by up to 80 years. They were taken with different cameras, with different optical quality, using films with different emulsions and different spectral characteristics. They were developed under different darkroom conditions, and yet the same sets of images were observed in the photos of all three generations. This fact, together with other non-body images, not mentioned here, prove that the images are not artifacts, but part of the nature of the Shroud." (Danin, A. & Baruch, U., "Floristic Indicators for the Origin of the Shroud of Turin," Paper presented at the Third International Congress on the Shroud of Turin, 6 June 1998, Turin, Italy, in Minor, M., Adler, A.D. & Piczek, I., eds., "The Shroud of Turin: Unraveling the Mystery: Proceedings of the 1998 Dallas Symposium," Alexander Books: Alexander NC, 2002, pp.208-209) 2/09/2007 "The images of the Zygophyllum dumosum leaf and the three Pistacia fruits were seen on the Shroud even without photographs. The images of Zygophyllum dumosum leaves on the Shroud are of turgescent ones indicating that fresh plants were laid on the Shroud (Fig. 2). The distribution maps of G. tournefortii and Z. dumosum have area of almost common boundaries along the Jerusalem-Hebron area in Israel and the Madaba-Karak area in Jordan. On the earth map both areas are in a small locality-the Holy Land. Further investigations may enable us to use additional plant indicators for restricting the area in the Holy Land from where the Shroud started its journey. Fruits of the three species of Pistacia are not available on plants during the season indicated by Gundelia tournefortii and Zygophyllum dumosum. Therefore, these fruits should have been brought in from a storage. The present day practice (as was told by a spice- merchant in the market of the Old City of Jerusalem) is that the Pistacia fruits (BUTUM in Arabic) are picked up when ripe in September, dried and preserved by this way to be sold the year round. They are used as a condiment for cakes and as a component of spices (e.g., Za'atar)." (Danin, A. & Baruch, U., "Floristic Indicators for the Origin of the Shroud of Turin," Paper presented at the Third International Congress on the Shroud of Turin, 6 June 1998, Turin, Italy, in Minor, M., Adler, A.D. & Piczek, I., eds., "The Shroud of Turin: Unraveling the Mystery: Proceedings of the 1998 Dallas Symposium," Alexander Books: Alexander NC, 2002, p.209. Emphasis original) 2/09/2007 "The differences in determinations of pollen grains between us and M. Frei (1982) derive from the knowledge and perception of the pollen flora of the study area. It seems that M. Frei was not aware of the possibility that many of his determinations at the specific level could not be accepted by palynologists today. At present, with the great increase in our knowledge of the Middle Eastern palynology, palynologists familiar with the local flora will be highly reluctant to determine a Chenopdiaceae pollen grain as Anabasis aphylla. This is because generally Chenopodiaceae pollen grains can not be determined to a specific level. Frei was correct, however, in his determination of Gundelia tournefortii, which became one of our leading indicators." (Danin, A. & Baruch, U., "Floristic Indicators for the Origin of the Shroud of Turin," Paper presented at the Third International Congress on the Shroud of Turin, 6 June 1998, Turin, Italy, in Minor, M., Adler, A.D. & Piczek, I., eds., "The Shroud of Turin: Unraveling the Mystery: Proceedings of the 1998 Dallas Symposium," Alexander Books: Alexander NC, 2002, p.209) 2/09/2007 "The Dr. Max Frei Collection consists of 27 `sticky-tapes' he personally collected from the Shroud in 1978. Forty-one slides containing individually dissected pollen grains collected from the Shroud in 1973 are also included. The collection further includes 7 tapes from the Tunic of Argenteuil, and 6 tapes from the Crown of Thorns (Notre Dame), taken in 1979. Control samples, original notes and correspondence, miscellaneous photographs and a manuscript make up the rest of this invaluable collection." (Dayvault, P.E., "The Frei Collection Digitization Project," Originally presented at the Third International Congress on the Shroud of Turin, Turin, Italy, June 6, 1998, in Minor, M., Adler, A.D. & Piczek, I., eds., "The Shroud of Turin: Unraveling the Mystery: Proceedings of the 1998 Dallas Symposium," Alexander Books: Alexander NC, 2002, p.215) 2/09/2007 "Dr. Max Frei, a botanist by profession, also served as the head of the Zurich Police Department's Crime Lab and was expert at determining -he presence of dust and other particulate matter at crime scenes via the collection of `sticky-tapes.' The method of `sticky-tape' collection which he invented is, in part, what makes this collection so important. He would pull off a strip of 1.5 cms. clear adhesive tape, Sello brand, approximately 1-10 cms. long, place it on the surface and would then knead it into the fabric to collect any minute particulate matter in-between the threads and fibrils. His work and subsequent studies were never completed, in that he died in 1983. In 1988, his widow and son, wishing for Dr. Frei's studies to be continued, released the full custody of the Collection to the ASSIST group, to which they had previously loaned 5 samples to Mr. Paul Maloney for examination. In 1993, Dr. and Mrs. Whanger became the sole custodians of the Frei Collection.." (Dayvault, P.E., "The Frei Collection Digitization Project," Originally presented at the Third International Congress on the Shroud of Turin, Turin, Italy, June 6, 1998, in Minor, M., Adler, A.D. & Piczek, I., eds., "The Shroud of Turin: Unraveling the Mystery: Proceedings of the 1998 Dallas Symposium," Alexander Books: Alexander NC, 2002, p.215) 2/09/2007 "This is important evidence for many reasons, but primarily because it is original, it came directly from the Shroud and other Relics, it was authorized by the Church, and the tapes were personally taken by Dr. Frei. Each Frei `sticky tape' collected in 1978 was photo-documented by Barrie Schwortz, the official documenting photographer of the 1978 Scientific Examination. Dr. Frei took these samples from predetermined sites located on a grid designed by Prof. Baima Bollone and Dr. Ghio. The provenance of the collection is intact in that we know where it has been and who has had access to it. Even Dr. Walter McCrone, a noted Shroud skeptic, examined the 1978 tapes in 1988 and declared that they were consistent with other evidence from the Shroud and concurred they had in fact originated from contact with the Shroud. In 1997, CSST engaged a senior forensic microscopist to examine the entire collection of tapes for the presence of tampering. His final report indicated that there was no evidence of physical tampering with the Frei Collection. Part of the reason for seeking this exam was to answer the allegation that the tapes had at one time been tampered with or `salted' with pollen grains. That issue is now settled." (Dayvault, P.E., "The Frei Collection Digitization Project," Originally presented at the Third International Congress on the Shroud of Turin, Turin, Italy, June 6, 1998, in Minor, M., Adler, A.D. & Piczek, I., eds., "The Shroud of Turin: Unraveling the Mystedings of the 1998 Dallas Symposium," Alexander Books: Alexander NC, 2002, pp.215-216. Emphasis original) 3/09/2007 "The sticky-tape samples of surface debris lifted from the Shroud were taken by Dr. Max Frei to his Zurich laboratory to examine the pollen fossils adhering to the adhesive. Pollen is microscopic, or nearly so, and imperceptibly it lodges in the fabric of any cloth exposed to air during the pollen season. These pollen grains are almost indestructible, and, under examination through an electron microscope, their type, classification, and other physical characteristics become quite clear. Comparing with pollen grains that are found in specific areas of the world but in no other areas, Dr. Frei was able to determine with absolute certainty that there was a significant quantity of pollen on the Shroud from plants that grew exclusively in Palestine and the Anatolian steppes of Turkey, as well as pollen from France and Italy. He concluded that the cloth at some time in its existence had been exposed to the air of Palestine and Turkey-very strong evidence that goes a long way toward obviating the possibility of a European counterfeit. After several years of careful study of the Shroud surface debris samples, Dr. Frei' delivered a supplemental report to the cardinal of Turin on April 1, 1981, confirming all of his earlier, tentative work on the commission. He had found fifty-six varieties of pollen on the Shroud, including fourteen found only in the eastern Mediterranean, and two-thirds of these varieties come exclusively from plants growing in semidesert areas from Palestine to Turkey. He also determined that the latter varieties were at least 500 years old, making it most likely that they had become embedded in the Shroud before it was brought to Europe. It is his opinion that the cloth of the Shroud is indeed about 2,000 years old and came from the area of Palestine. ... His book Pollens of the Shroud of Turin was scheduled for 1983 publication, but his unexpected death held up publication. Dr. Frei's published scientific papers make abundantly clear ... that the pollen from more than ninety plants found on the Shroud come from four areas only: Near East desert (Dead Sea area); Anatolian steppes of Turkey (Edessa); Bosporus (Istanbul/Constantinople); Western Europe (France and Italy). He has stated flatly that the `spectrum of pollens from Palestine and Turkey could not be explained by storms and accidental contamination' carrying the pollen to Western Europe. Frei's pollen samples and research files were delivered to ASSIST in 1988 by the Frei heirs." (Tribbe, F.C., "Portrait of Jesus: The Illustrated Story of the Shroud of Turin," , Paragon House Publishers: St. Paul MN, Second edition, 2006, pp.111-112) 3/09/2007 "Dr. Professor Werner Bulst, S.J., of Darmstadt, West Germany (as well as other scientists in Europe, Israel, and the United States) has extended and validated the Shroud pollen work of the late Dr. Frei, and it is reported in Nos. 10, 19, and 27 of Shroud Spectrum International (Nashville, Indiana) and in Biblische Zeitschrift. Notably, Bulst has obtained written reinforcement from Professor Avinoam Danin of Hebrew University and Professor Aaron Horowitz of Tel Aviv University, who find Frei's work to be without flaw. (Frei had been one of the world's most esteemed criminologists and had been president of the United Nations Commission on Criminology; in his Shroud studies, Frei made seven expeditions to the Near East to identify all of the pollens found in the Shroud.) Bulst points out that although the Shroud was exposed to the air at least twenty-seven times in the West since the fourteenth century, only seventeen species of European plants an plants are represented on the Shroud. Danin and Horowitz are satisfied that indeed the Shroud of Turin was fabricated in Jerusalem to account for the high pollen count of species from that area. They point out that the prevailing winds in Palestine blow from the north and west. Bulst comments: `The spectrum of non-European species is highly astonishing.' ... Dr. Frei has often used pollen data (collected from clothing, for instance) in testifying in court in the course of his forty years' work as a criminologist. Such testimony, by an expert like Frei, is regularly accepted as evidence in court. ... This data does not prove that the Shroud was in Palestine in Jesus' time and not later, but it is evidence that leads us toward that conclusion." (Tribbe, F.C., "Portrait of Jesus: The Illustrated Story of the Shroud of Turin," , Paragon House Publishers: St. Paul MN, Second edition, 2006, pp.112-113. Emphasis original) 6/09/2007 "On 25 April at 11 am, Harbottle called. He had learned from Otlet that the shroud samples had been removed on 21 April 1988. Hall had flown into London on 25 April with the samples in hand and he received a lot of publicity. The archbishop had been, according to Harbottle, furious about Hall's trying to commercially capitalize on the venture. Harbottle also said that the BBC were going to film the measurements at Zurich. He said that, according to Otlet, there was no possibility this time of any outliers because the three labs would consult together so the answers would come out the same. I must say I thought that Otlet was being either paranoid or surprisingly cynical." (Gove, H.E., "Relic, Icon or Hoax?: Carbon Dating the Turin Shroud," Institute of Physics Publishing: Bristol UK, 1996, p.252) 6/09/2007 "I then talked to Donahue. He said that he had been in Turin for the sample taking. ... They had been summoned at 6:30 in the morning for the sample removal. I phoned Damon that evening and he said that he was going to tell Gonella that I was to be invited to Arizona to watch the dating (I wondered why he felt obliged to inform Gonella). He said that he was not going to ask him whether I could come, he was simply going to tell him that I was coming. ... I wrote to Damon on 26 April saying that he had a perfect right to invite anyone he wished to view the measurements at Arizona. It was quite unnecessary to inform Gonella he was inviting me and, in fact, might lead to complications. However, it was his business." (Gove, H.E., "Relic, Icon or Hoax?: Carbon Dating the Turin Shroud," Institute of Physics Publishing: Bristol UK, 1996, p.253) 6/09/2007 "I continued: `As you know, I have been highly critical of the many changes that have been made in the protocol agreed to at the Turin workshop. That procedure would have been the most credible way of dating the Turin Shroud. I think all of us agree that the present procedures are less than ideal. My main criticism is that three labs are too few. I have always made it clear that the three labs that were chosen are excellent ones. If none of the three makes any mistake in their measurements then all will agree with each other within a standard deviation or so, on all three samples. If the public believes there has been no collusion, then the date for the shroud will probably be generally accepted except by those who have emotionally fixed ideas about its age and who would not accept any date that disagreed.'" (Gove, H.E., "Relic, Icon or Hoax?: Carbon Dating the Turin Shroud," Institute of Physics Publishing: Bristol UK, 1996, p.253) 6/09/2007 "On 26 April Bob Otlet sent me a newspaper clipping from the London Independent of Monday, 25 April. The headline read 'Analyzing the Strands of Time' by a reporter named Nicholas Schoon. It said he had met the professor whose delicate task it was to try to date the Turin Shroud, and it contained many revealing stories about Hall. It said the man on the flight from Turin to Heathrow had something very special in his briefcase-a small steel vessel containing a 2 square centimetre piece of linen. This snippet was cut from the Turin Shroud. The article continued: `Professor Edward Hall, head of the Oxford University Research Laboratory for Archaeology and the History of Art, is charged with the task of determining whether the Turin Shroud dates back to the first century or is an extremely clever medieval forgery. He has just collected his sample from Italy along with 2 other pieces of ancient linen. He has no way of telling which is which, they are simply numbered 1, 2 and 3. [Since the samples were not unravelled it would be instantly apparent to Hall which one came from the shroud-as he well knew. Hall continued to play the 'blind measurement' game.] `Hall, 63, describes himself as "a total agnostic" and admits he was highly sceptical about the shroud's authenticity at first. "I thought it was a load of codswallop, definitely a forgery. But now I have looked at the evidence more closely and have a more open mind. If it turns out to be from the year zero and one had no idea how the hell it was made, I would find that very worrying, quite strange, really".'" (Gove, H.E., "Relic, Icon or Hoax?: Carbon Dating the Turin Shroud," Institute of Physics Publishing: Bristol UK, 1996, pp.253-254) 6/09/2007 "The next morning at about 8 am (6 May 1988) I arrived at the Arizona AMS facility. I had asked Donahue to let Shirley attend this historic event since she had been involved in the shroud dating enterprise from the beginning. He said he ... regretted he could not make an exception for Shirley-a deep disappointment for her. I would be the only one present outside the Arizona AMS group. Doug immediately asked me to sign the following statement: `We the undersigned, understand that radiocarbon age results for the Shroud of Turin obtained from the University of Arizona AMS facility are confidential. We agree not to communicate the results to anyone-spouse, children, friends, press, etc., until that time when results are generally available to the public.' It had been signed by D J Donahue, Brad Gore, L J Toolin, P E Damon, Timothy Jull and Art Hatheway, all connected with the Arizona AMS facility, before I signed. My signature was followed by T W Linick and P J Sercel, also from the Arizona facility. ... I had a bet with Shirley on the shroud's age-she bet 2000 ± 100 years old and I bet 1000 ±100 years. Whoever won bought the other a pair of cowboy boots. Although my guess was wrong, it was closer than Shirley's. She bought me the cowboy boots. The reader, by now, will have guessed that despite the agreement I had signed, I told Shirley the result that had been obtained that day. She and I had been associated with this shroud adventure now for almost exactly eleven years-there was no way I could not tell her. I knew she would never violate my confidence and she never did." (Gove, H.E., "Relic, Icon or Hoax?: Carbon Dating the Turin Shroud," Institute of Physics Publishing: Bristol UK, 1996, pp.262,264) 6/09/2007 "I had remarked to Damon the previous evening that I could not think of another scientific measurement that equalled the one about to take place in terms of general public interest-not, of course, in terms of scientific interest. Perhaps the discovery of the tomb of Tutankhamen was in the same class. I made the same remark again and there was general agreement. It was most remarkable for me to have had a major responsibility in bringing the shroud to the test of time, to be about to observe it happen and to learn before anyone but the handful of people present how old the shroud actually was. Damon had been informed that the measurement was about to begin and arrived shortly after. The previous evening he had said he would bet it was 9th century, i.e. 800 to 900 AD or 1188 to 1088 years old. His argument had something to do with when crucifixions ceased." (Gove, H.E., "Relic, Icon or Hoax?: Carbon Dating the Turin Shroud," Institute of Physics Publishing: Bristol UK, 1996, p.262) 6/09/2007 "Eight of the ten samples in this first historic load were OX1, OX2, blank, two shroud and three controls. ... Damon said the 1/2 cm^2 shroud sample being used in this 6 May run had a red silk thread in it as well as some blue threads or fibrils and they had been removed. There was absolutely no problem in identifying the shroud-it was finely, closely hand woven (the weave was not as even as it would have been if done by a machine) and it was the unmistakable shroud herringbone weave." (Gove, H.E., "Relic, Icon or Hoax?: Carbon Dating the Turin Shroud," Institute of Physics Publishing: Bristol UK, 1996, p.263) 6/09/2007 "The first sample run was OX1. Then followed one of the controls. Each run consisted of a 10 second measurement of the carbon-13 current and a 50 second measurement of the carbon-14 counts. This is repeated nine more times and an average carbon-14/carbon-13 ratio calculated. All this was under computer control and the calculations produced by the computer were displayed on a cathode ray screen. The age of the control sample could have been calculated on a small pocket calculator but was not-everyone was waiting for the next sample-the Shroud of Turin! At 9:50 am 6 May 1988, Arizona time, the first of the ten measurements appeared on the screen. We all waited breathlessly. The ratio was compared with the OX sample and the radiocarbon time scale calibration was applied by Doug Donahue. His face became instantly drawn and pale. At the end of that one minute we knew the age of the Turin Shroud! The next nine numbers confirmed the first. ... Based on these 10 one minute runs, with the calibration correction applied, the year the flax had been harvested that formed its linen threads was 1350 AD-the shroud was only 640 years old! It was certainly not Christ's burial cloth but dated from the time its historic record began." (Gove, H.E., "Relic, Icon or Hoax?: Carbon Dating the Turin Shroud," Institute of Physics Publishing: Bristol UK, 1996, p.264) 6/09/2007 "It was unarguably the least interesting of all possible results. I remember Donahue saying that he did not care what results the other two laboratories got, this was the shroud's age. Although he was clearly disappointed in the result, he was justifiably confident that his AMS laboratory had produced the answer to the shroud's age. Like Donahue, I also had wished for a 2000 year age. That result would have been so much more exciting. Of course, it would not have proved the shroud was Christ's burial cloth but it certainly would have upped the odds. As a scientist, I would have (and did) bet it was not that old but I truly wanted it to be. My exhilaration at being present at this first dating of the Turin Shroud was somewhat dampened by the disappointing result. When the results of all three labs were finally averaged, the date of the flax harvesting came out to be 1325 AD ±33 years. That agreed with this initial Arizona result obtained in ten minutes using a piece of the shroud cloth measuring less than 1/4" x 1/4" inch. It was a triumph for carbon dating by AMS if not for those who passionately believed it was the burial cloth of Jesus Christ or for those of us who wished it might have been." (Gove, H.E., "Relic, Icon or Hoax?: Carbon Dating the Turin Shroud," Institute of Physics Publishing: Bristol UK, 1996, p.264) 6/09/2007 "I received a letter dated 1 June 1988 from Monsignor Giovanni Tonnucci, Charge d'Affaires at the Apostolic Nunciate to the USA in Washington as follows: `Dear Professor Gove ... For your information, I am also enclosing a copy of the statement which appeared in the 2 May 1988 issue of the English-language weekly edition of L'Osservatore Romano. With every good wish, I remain sincerely yours.' The article was titled 'Samples of Shroud of Turin taken for scientific dating'. It stated that three samples of cloth from the main body of the Shroud were removed on 21 April 1988. The total weight was approximately 150 milligrams comprising a strip measuring about 1 cm by 7 cm. It stressed the procedures followed to ensure blindness and described the three control samples. The ones supplied by the British Museum were stated to be a fabric of the first century AD and the other of the eleventh century AD while a fourth sample, the source of which was not given, was said to be dated about 1300 AD. It gave the names of the two textile experts who were present, Professor Franco A Testore of the Polytechnic of Turin assisted by M. Gabriel Vial of the Historical Museum of Fabrics of Lyon, and said the entire operation was videotaped and documented photographically. What really surprised me was the fact that the ages of the control samples were given in this news report and they actually corresponded to the results on the three control samples later obtained by the three laboratories. The article appeared even before Arizona carried out their measurements, although I am sure Damon and Donahue were not aware of it (the first Arizona measurement, at which I was present, was carried out six days after the article appeared). However, both Zurich and Oxford made their measurements considerably later and people in those two labs might have been aware of L'Osservatore Romano article." (Gove, H.E., "Relic, Icon or Hoax?: Carbon Dating the Turin Shroud," Institute of Physics Publishing: Bristol UK, 1996, pp.269-270) 6/09/2007 "Meanwhile, the story that the Shroud of Turin was a fake was getting increased attention from the press. The original rumour that the shroud was medieval appeared in the article by Kenneth Rose in the London Sunday Telegraph. Aside from a naive statement from Ballestrero that the labs would not know which of four samples was the shroud, there was not much reaction to the Rose report. However, this changed when the 27th August 1988 edition of the Washington Post carried a story by Tim Radford of the Guardian that "The furor began after Dr Richard Luckett of Cambridge University wrote in the Evening Standard yesterday that a date of 1350 'looks likely' for the 14-foot piece of linen which appears to bear the imprint... of Jesus. He also referred to laboratories as "leaky institutions".' ... Somehow the impression had been created that the 'leaky institution' Luckett referred to was Hall's Oxford Laboratory because the Washington Post quoted Gonella as saying `Frankly we in Italy feel we have been taken for a ride. I am amazed that there should be indiscretions of this sort from a university like Oxford. We had expected different behaviour from a laboratory of this reputation.' ... A friend of mine who was visiting Mexico sent me a clipping from the 27th August edition of the Mexico City News. It quoted the report carried by the Evening Standard on 26 August and provided a few more details from that report. The Evening Standard report claimed that Oxford had found the shroud to be a fake which dated only to 1350 AD. It gave no attribution for its report but quoted Dr Richard Luckett of Magdalen College, Cambridge as saying `I think that as far as seems possible the scientific argument is now settled and the shroud is a fake'. ... Oxford had completed their measurements during the first week of August and had sent them to the British Museum. Hall certainly knew the Oxford result at the time of the leak and may also have known the overall result that was to be published in Nature. Both gave a mean several decades less than 1350 AD. Hall had no motive for perpetrating the leak and the clear disparity between what he knew the answer to be and the leaked date is convincing evidence that he did not." (Gove, H.E., "Relic, Icon or Hoax?: Carbon Dating the Turin Shroud," Institute of Physics Publishing: Bristol UK, 1996, pp.277-278) 6/09/2007 "The Rochester Democrat and Chronicle also carried the story on the front page of their 27th August edition under the headline 'UR (University of Rochester) scientist rejects story of relic's age'. The subhead read 'London paper claims tests show Shroud of Turin a fake'. The report read: `The ... London Evening Standard yesterday reported, without attribution, that radio-carbon tests at Oxford University showed the shroud was made about 1350. ... ' ... The article stated that Luckett, whose university is an ancient rival of Oxford, was not connected with the tests but had been associated with investigations of the shroud's history. `He wrote in a separate article in the Evening Standard that laboratories "are rather leaky places" but did not elaborate.' ... An Associated Press story appeared in the 9 September 1988 issue of the Rochester Democrat and Chronicle headlined 'Shroud's age remains secret Oxford research chief says', with the subhead 'He claims forgery report was just a guess'. Teddy Hall was quoted to this effect in the Oxford Mail. The article went on `But Dr Richard Luckett, a Cambridge University professor, said he stood by his word, adding, "I had an absolutely marvellous leak from one of the laboratories and it wasn't Oxford." Luckett, last month, said tests at Oxford showed the shroud was made in 1350. ... I must say I wondered about Luckett's date of 1350 because it was the date Donahue announced to me when I was present at the first radiocarbon measurement on the shroud in 6 May 1988. Of course, it also corresponds very closely to the shroud's known historic date. However, I still assumed Luckett had said he got the number from Oxford. When I read that he claimed he got it from one of the other two labs I worried that it might have come from someone who was present at Arizona during the first measurement." (Gove, H.E., "Relic, Icon or Hoax?: Carbon Dating the Turin Shroud," Institute of Physics Publishing: Bristol UK, 1996, pp.278-279) 6/09/2007 "Some scientists express concern about the three-lab decision. Among them are Harry Gove of the University of Rochester (N.Y.) physics department -- whose lab developed the accelerator carbon-14 dating technique - and Garman Harbottle of Brookhaven National Laboratory in Upton, N.Y. According to Harbottle, there `appears to be about a one in five chance for any given measurement' that the answer will be very wrong. If there are only three labs, he says, it may be difficult to identify whose is the spurious reading. Geoscientist Paul Damon, co-director of the Arizona tests, downplays that concern, pointing out that `we hope to get a number of [carbon-14] analyses from the 1 square centimeter of [shroud] being sent us' perhaps as many as seven." (Raloff, J., "Controversy builds as shroud tests near," Science News, April 16, 1988) 7/09/2007 "As a teenager I learned also, of course, of the Turin Shroud, the fourteen-foot length of linen purported to have enwrapped Jesus in death, and to have become imprinted with a double image, the back and front, of his entire figure .... From first sight in a magazine article, the famous `negative' face from this ... struck me so forcibly as not by the hand of any artist that it impelled a decades-long hobby of enquiry into every aspect of the shroud's nature and origins, touching on medicine, archaeology, photography, Biblical studies, botany, physics, chemistry, microscopy, weaving, the history of art, and much more. On being accorded the exceptional privilege of examining the shroud at first hand in 1973, this served to convince me not only that no artist had produced such an image, but also that the shroud's face was the `true' original from which all the other `holy faces' had been copied by artists." (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, pp.2-3) 7/09/2007 "As has now become world-wide public knowledge, just ten years later, in October 1988, all the hitherto arguably impressive amalgam of knowledge suggestive of the shroud's authenticity was blown sky-high on release of the results of a radiocarbon test to scientifically determine the age of the shroud's linen. Under the universally respected supervision of the British Museum Research Laboratory, the radiocarbon laboratories of Tucson, Zurich and Oxford, produced closely compatible datings strongly indicative that the shroud had been manufactured sometime between 1260 and 1390. Particularly convincing was the fact that the finding readily corroborated historical documents in which a French bishop declared that the shroud had been `cunningly painted' sometime around the middle of the fourteenth century. Effectively the shroud could be dismissed as just another of the many fraudulent `relics' for which the Middle Ages was notorious." (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, pp.2-3) 7/09/2007 "But overlooked amidst all the enthusiasm for this apparent triumph of science over superstition has been one inescapable fact of history. Whatever the authenticity or otherwise of the shroud, and whatever the artistic or other origins of the `holy faces', at least some of the `faces' are quite irrefutably recorded substantially before the 1260 date that is the very earliest radiocarbon would ascribe to the shroud. So if the carbon dating genuinely obliges us now to discount the shroud as the source of inspiration for the `faces' (and that will remain a qualified `if'), from what did spring the strange idea of Jesus imprinting the likeness of his face on cloth?" (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, p.3. Emphasis o7/09/2007 "Quite incontestably a matter of historical fact is that throughout the years 944 to 1204 there reposed in this collection in Constantinople, as by no means its most insignificant item, the `holy face' cloth imprinted with Jesus's likeness that the Byzantines variously referred to as the Holy Image of Edessa, the Holy Acheiropoietos (`made without hands'), and the Holy Mandylion, or `mantle'. Despite not having a Grimaldi to sketch the scene, we nevertheless know that it was set in the chapel on the right-hand side, facing the east. But hanging like a pall of mystery over the exact identity of this cloth is the fact that it was regarded as so holy, and the security surrounding it so tight, that just as in the case of the Veronica before 1207, there is no clear record of it ever being exhibited publicly throughout its entire time in Constantinople. Those allowed to view it would seem to have been only the emperor and the highest clergy, and even then on very special occasions." (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, p.131) 7/09/2007 "So exactly what can we retrieve from early sources that may help us recognize and identify the `holy face' of Edessa? Unquestionably it was thought to be very old even when first brought to Constantinople in 944. In this regard the gold relief scenes studding the Palaeologue frame ... of the Genoese candidate convey the general Byzantine idea of its origins, as already very briefly sketched in the last chapter. Running anti- clockwise round the frame commencing at the lower right-hand side, the scenes [pl. 24] show first King Abgar of Edessa, sick in bed, sending out a messenger, Ananias, in the hope of persuading Jesus to come to Edessa to cure him (scene a). In Jerusalem we see Ananias trying unsuccessfully to paint Jesus' portrait (scene b), then Jesus, after washing himself (scene c), imprinting his likeness on the cloth with which he had dried himself, and giving this to Ananias, together with a message to take back to Abgar (scene d). On Ananias' return to Edessa, we find Abgar miraculously cured by the `holy face' (scene e), accepting conversion to Christianity and throwing down the city's pagan idols (scene f). Then after Abgar's death there apparently occurs a pagan backlash, for a Christian bishop is portrayed hiding the `holy face' (scene g) in an apparent attempt to ensure its safety during a time of persecution of Edessa's Christians. Theoretically the events of these scenes occurred in the very first Christian century, and although inevitably semi- legendary they at least have as a basis of fact that there was a King Abgar V (AD 13-50) directly contemporary with Jesus; also that Christianity had certainly become established and officially tolerated in Edessa as early as the late second century, during the reign of Abgar VIII (AD 179-212). The frame's next two scenes jump chronologically several centuries, for there follows the `holy face's' purported rediscovery by an Edessan bishop during a siege of Edessa by the Persians (scene h); and its miraculous routing of the Persians shortly after (scene i). This siege of Edessa by Persians is historically known to have taken place in the year 544, and from this point on the `holy face's' existence is quite uncontestably historical, with many documentary references to its existence in Edessa. In the final scene (scene j) there occurs a further substantial chronological jump, the `holy face' shown being brought in triumph from Edessa to Constantinople in 944. By way of demonstration of the continuance of its healing power this scene shows the cure of a madman simultaneous with the `holy face's' arrival in the Byzantine capital. Now suffice it to say that this illustrated story of the `holy face's' origins is but one of several slightly differing versions that prevailed and indeed continue to prevail in the world of the Eastern Orthodox Church. The consistent feature is the `holy face's' arrival at Edessa sometime while this was ruled by kings with the name Abgar (up to AD 214), but exactly what happened at this time has to be considered more of the stuff of legend than of history." (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, pp.132-133) 7/09/2007 "But if we can identify none of the three principal claimants as the true Edessan `holy face', is there anything else still in existence that it might possibly have been? Here at long last it becomes unavoidable mentioning the `shroud' of Turin. While at first sight this might seem implausible, not least because we have so far understood the Edessa cloth to bear only the imprint of Jesus's face, there are a variety of clues that there may literally have been more to it than normally met the eye. Earlier in this chapter, for instance, we quoted as one of the earliest mentions of the Edessa `holy face' the passage from the sixth-century Acts of Thaddaeus that Jesus had: `asked to wash himself, and a towel was given to him ... And his image having been imprinted upon the linen, he gave it to Ananias.' Here the interesting feature is that in the original Greek text of this quotation the word translated as `towel' is `tetradiplon', meaning a cloth `doubled in four'. It is a most unusual word, occurring in the entire corpus of Greek literature only in regard to the `holy face' of Edessa, and it prompted me some twenty years ago to try `doubling in four' a photograph of the `shroud', just to see what might emerge. [Wilson, I., "The Shroud of Turin," Doubleday, 1978, pp.98-100] The result was more than astonishing. Doubled, then doubled twice again to give four times two folds, the `shroud' face appeared disembodied on a landscape aspect cloth exactly as conveyed by the copyists of the Edessan `holy face' pre-1204 [fig. 16]. From this and similar evidence I deduced that the `shroud' had been one and the same as the `holy face' of Edessa, which explained its otherwise unrecorded pre-fourteenth-century history. Why it had not been described as a `shroud' during the Byzantine era was simply because it had been folded and mounted on a board, so that only the face was visible. (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, pp.141-142) 7/09/2007 "Of course this was only a theory, and to most it very understandably seemed conclusively shattered when the carbon dating set the shroud's age as between 1260 and 1390, impossible to equate with the Edessa `holy face's' certain historical existence between the sixth century and 1204. But as recently as 1987 an Italian scholar resident in Rome, Professor Gino Zaninotto, happened to come across in the Vatican Library a Byzantine manuscript that had escaped all earlier studies of the Edessan `holy face', both my own and even those of the formidable German scholar Ernst von Dobschutz whose profusely documented Christusbilder (The Face of Christ), published in 1899, remains to this day the masterwork on the subject. The manuscript is the Vatican Library's Greek Codex no. 511, 32 and as Zaninotto expertly deciphered the handwriting, he found it to be a sermon by one Gregory, Archdeacon at Constantinople's Hagia Sophia Cathedral at the very time that the Edessa `holy face' was first brought to Constantinople in 944. In his text Gregory described himself as a `referendarius' or notary - in effect, a tenth-century Grimaldi - and as having made very careful studies of all that was known in his time about the `holy face' of Edessa, from sources both in Constantinople and in Edessa. In recounting the Abgar legend and the circumstances of the `holy face's' apparent rediscovery at the time of the Persian siege, he revealed himself as a shrewd discarder of many of the more dubious elements that circulated around these stories. But the real revelation to Zaninotto occurred in Gregory's account of how the `holy face' had come to be imprinted on the cloth. Omitting any mention of the concept of Jesus having washed himself, Gregory spoke only of the idea of it having: `... been imprinted with the drops of sweat from the agony [in Gethsemane], which flowed from the face of the Prince of Life like drops of blood.' Then Gregory went on: `And the image, since those flows, has been embellished by [blood] drops from his very side. The two [things] are full of symbolism, blood and water here, and there the sweat of the face.' Quite unmistakable here was the fact that Gregory, who would seem to have seen the Edessan `holy face' for himself, was describing it as bearing the stain of Jesus's wound in the side." (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, pp.142-143) 7/09/2007 "Gregory made no attempt to explain how a cloth purportedly imprinted by Jesus in life could bear the stains of an injury which could only have been inflicted at or after death. For the Byzantine such things could be shrugged away as mysteries that were not for mortal man to pry into. But for us the question is crucial. How could it be that this `holy face' of Edessa was reported to bear the image of Jesus's wound in the side - unless it was a cloth that had wrapped his body after death, a cloth just such as we have in the Turin `shroud'? Could it be that despite the radio-carbon dating, the `holy face' of Edessa might have been one and the same as the `shroud', after all? It is an appealing idea. Identity of the Edessan `holy face' with the `shroud' would make sense of so much, not least the watery and `bloody sweat' characteristics described of the Edessa `holy face's' imprint, the consistently disembodied manner in which this is depicted, the herring- bone weave on the cloth pasted to the S. Silvestro `holy face', and the likeness to the shroud face exhibited by Strozzi's copy of the Veronica. The Veronica, from this point of view, would seem to have been a copy of the shroud face made while this was in Constantinople in the guise of the `holy face' of Edessa." (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, pp.143-144) 7/09/2007 "The question is how could the Shroud have been arranged that such a deception, intended or otherwise, might have occurred? Here the copies of the Mandylion made before its 1204 disappearance turn out to be of considerable importance. For instance, one of their oddities is that on all with the exception of two icons the head was arranged in a landscape aspect rather than a portrait aspect ... What was so significant about this? The setting of the head on the cloth in this manner is totally at variance with a virtually universal artistic convention. That is, that throughout history, and in any country where artists created portraits, they have almost invariably chosen to set the face on the background of an upright rectangle rather than a horizontal rectangle, just as when creating a landscape they have done the reverse. There is no mystery about this-it is visually unappealing to set a head on a landscape-shaped background (particularly a totally plain one), and even more important, it is wasteful of available space. The consistent appearance of the head in this manner on artists' copies of the Mandylion therefore suggests one thing-that the artists were deliberately trying to reproduce a curiosity of the original. If the Shroud was the Mandylion, was this the manner in which it appeared in the early centuries?" (Wilson, I., "The Shroud of Turin: The Burial Cloth of Jesus Christ?," , Image Books: New York NY, Revised edition, 1979, pp.119-120) 7/09/2007 "This speculation takes on more credibility in the light of a piece of information gleaned from a text of the sixth century, the period when the Mandylion first came to light in Edessa. The text gives a description of how the image was thought by those of the time to have been created by Jesus on the linen of a cloth he had used to dry his face. This text, as translated in Roberts and Donaldson's voluminous Writings of the Ante-Nicene Fathers, at first sight seems totally uninformative: `And he ... asked to wash himself, and a towel was given was given to him; and when he had washed himself he wiped his face with it. And his image having been imprinted upon the linen ...' But, as a footnote reveals, one word in the passage gave the translators some difficulty. In order to convey the sense evident from the description, they used the word `towel.' But they were careful to point out that this is not the literal meaning of the strange Greek word used in the original text. The actual meaning is `doubled in four.' [Gk. tetradiplon]" (Wilson, I., "The Shroud of Turin: The Burial Cloth of Jesus Christ?," , Image Books: New York NY, Revised edition, 1979, p.120) 7/09/2007 "The discovery is intriguing. Could the sixth-century writer have been trying to convey that the cloth he saw was literally `doubled in four'-i.e., that it was a substantially larger cloth, the folds perhaps being actually countable at the edges but otherwise inaccessible? The only logical test is to try to `double in four' the Turin Shroud to see what effect is achieved. This is not a difficult task. One simply takes a full-length print of the cloth, doubles it, then doubles it twice again, producing a cloth `doubled in four' sections. The head of Christ appears on the uppermost section, curiously disembodied, exactly as on artists' copies of the Mandylion. Furthermore, it appears on the cloth in landscape aspect, again exactly as on artists' copies of the Mandylion. It takes little imagination or artistic license to visualize the cloth as it would have been without the burn marks of the 1532 fire. There lies the most convincing original of all the various artists' copies of the Mandylion, the true and only cloth `not made by hands.'" (Wilson, I., "The Shroud of Turin: The Burial Cloth of Jesus Christ?," , Image Books: New York NY, Revised edition, 1979, pp.120-121) 8/09/2007 "The seventeenth-century notary Jacopo Grimaldi, in his already so helpful `Brief account of the most holy Veronica', described one important, historic accompaniment of the Veronica that we have so far not mentioned. This was: `... a very ancient and most noble umbella, woven throughout in gold and silver of very rich work, and full of gold because of its very great age ... [which] used to be extended over the window of the shrine of the Veronica when it was shown to the people.' An umbella is a large fabric covering or canopy that in the Mediterranean world has been traditionally held over distinguished personages and revered objects, and with his characteristic thoroughness Grimaldi provided a most detailed sketch ... of this particular one as used for the Veronica. It was clearly of Byzantine origin, for besides transcribing the Greek inscriptions to its various panels of embroidered scenes from the life of Christ, Grimaldi also drew it as edged with the figures of predominantly Eastern Orthodox saints: St Cyril, St Basil, St Peter of Alexandria, St John Chrysostom, to name a few. But the most fascinating feature of Grimaldi's sketch is the umbella's central embroidered figure, larger than any of the rest, depicting Christ stretched out in death, the hands crossed over the pelvis in precisely the mode of Turin's `shroud' ... Grimaldi ... remarked: `It has depicted on it the same stories of our saviour Jesus Christ that Pope John VII ... had made in mosaic in his Oratory [i.e. the John VII chapel in old St Peter's], and the said umbella is in the Greek style.' For Grimaldi this was sufficient to date the umbella to John VII's time, i.e. to the early eighth century." (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, pp.145-146) 8/09/2007 "Although this is one of the earliest epitaphioi known, there is a consensus among scholars that it must have had antecedents, as is certainly indicated by the same type of figure being found in other art forms. "A particularly notable example occurs in a work entitled the Funeral Oration, forming part of the Pray manuscript [Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár (National Széchényi Library), MNY I] preserved in the National Széchényi Library of Budapest. Four pages of pen and ink drawings accompany a text that is among the very earliest in the Hungarian language, and in one of these ... we see Jesus's body being laid out full length on a shroud, entirely naked, and with the hands crossed over the pelvis in precisely the manner so characteristic of the Turin `shroud' image. [Berkovits, I., "Illuminated Manuscripts in Hungary, XI-XVI Centuries," Horn, Z., trans., Irish University Press: Shannon, Ireland, 1969, pl. III] This drawing can be accurately dated, being reliably thought to have been made at the ancient Benedictine monastery of Boldva in Hungary between the years 1192 and 1195. And according to the specialist of Hungarian medieval manuscripts, Ilona Berkovits: `... the style of its miniatures shows resemblance to the art associated with the middle of the [twelfth] century. It is not impossible that the miniaturist followed the illumination of an earlier, more elaborate manuscript, from the end of the eleventh or the beginning of the twelfth century, which has since been lost, and copied its compositions.' [Ibid., p. 19]" (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, pp.150-151) 8/09/2007 "Furthermore, even earlier examples are to be found, albeit without the so shroud-like total nudity of the Pray drawing. Among the wealth of icons in the Hermitage Museum of Leningrad is a magnificent specimen with gold relief and cloisonne enamel. This comprises a crucifixion surrounded by figures of saints, with at the foot of the cross an image of Jesus with the familiar crossed hands, and with a rectangular modesty cover exactly as on the Milutin Uros epitaphios. It carries the inscription, `Christ lies in death, manifesting God', and its date is thought to be as early as the eleventh century. Also from the eleventh century are several Byzantine ivories of the so-called Threnos, or Lamentation scene of Jesus being mourned as he is laid out in death. In perhaps the finest of these, in the Victoria & Albert Museum, London ... Jesus' hands can yet again be seen crossed at the wrists in the so peculiar `shroud' manner. He is also shown specifically lying on something like a shroud or a mattress. Now it might already seem to be more than coincidence that it was at this very point, within a century of the `holy face' of Edessa's arrival in Constantinople, that we come to the earliest to which this `crossed-hands' type can be traced in art. Although there are earlier depictions of Jesus's entombment, including some from the end of the ninth century, these show him wrapped with mummy-style bands. So why the change? And why the sudden crossed-hands type?" (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, p.151) 8/09/2007 "Furthermore, if we ask whether, quite aside from Professor Zaninotto's discovery of the Gregory manuscript, there might be any direct evidence that the `holy face' of Edessa was more than just a face on the cloth, we find that this is indeed the case. For instance, interpolated sometime before 1130 into the text of a sermon attributed to the eighth-century Pope Stephen III was the following remark concerning the `holy face' of Edessa: `For this same mediator between God and men, in order that in all things and in every way he might satisfy this king [i.e. Abgar] spread out his entire body on a linen cloth that was white as snow. On this cloth, marvellous as it is to see or even hear such a thing, the glorious image of the Lord's face, and the length of his entire and most noble body, has been divinely transferred ... [italics mine]. ' Following on from this, about the year 1141 the English monk Ordericus Vitalis wrote in his Historia ecclesiastica: `Abgar reigned as toparch of Edessa. To him the Lord Jesus sent ... a most precious cloth, with which he wiped the sweat from his face, and on which shone the Saviour's features, miraculously reproduced. This displayed to those who gazed upon it the likeness and proportions of the body of the Lord [italics mine].' Equally explicit is a mention of the `holy face' of Edessa by the well-travelled and somewhat underrated English raconteur Gervase of Tilbury. In his Otia Imperialia, completed shortly before his death in 1218, Gervase first quoted words allegedly spoken by Jesus to King Abgar: `If indeed you desire to see my physical appearance, I send you a cloth on which the image not only of my face but of my entire body has been preserved.' Then Gervase went on: `The story is passed down from archives of ancient authority that the Lord prostrated himself with his entire body on whitest linen, and so by divine power there was impressed on the linen a most beautiful imprint of not only the face but the entire body of the Lord.' " (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, pp.152-153. Emphasis original) 8/09/2007 "Complicating the issue yet further is the fact that from as early as 958 there occur the first of several subsequent mentions of a burial sindon or shroud being among the imperial relic collection in Constantinople, without the slightest accompanying whisper of how this might have come to the city. The earliest, the 958 reference, comes from a letter of the Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogennitus sent to his troops campaigning around Tarsus, telling them that he was sending them holy water consecrated by: `the precious wood [of the Cross], the unstained lance ... the reed which caused miracles ... the sindon which God wore, and other symbols of the immaculate Passion.'" (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, pp.153-154. Emphasis original) 8/09/2007 "But while in these two instances neither writer is likely to have seen either item with his own eyes, this could not have been the case with Nicholas Mesarites, a man who was none other than skeuophylax, or overseer of the holy relic collection and other treasures of the Great Palace of Constantinople. In 1201 Nicholas was obliged to defend the Imperial collection at risk of his life when there was a palace revolution led by John Comnenus. He subsequently described how, completely unarmed, he stopped a bloodthirsty mob from breaking into the imperial collection by reminding them of the sacredness of the treasures that lay within. According to his own words as allegedly spoken at this time, he told them first of the `holy crown of thorns, which ... remains intact because it took on incorruptibility from touching the sacred head of Jesus', then `the holy nail ... preserved today ... just as it was ... when it penetrated the most holy and merciful flesh', then `the flagellum', and fourth `the burial shroud [sindones] of Jesus.' Then a little later he went on to mention `the towel' (cheiromaktron) with a `prototypal' image of Jesus `as if by some art of drawing not wrought by hand.' ... Now while we can only conjecture that this is the explanation of the double mentions, quite incontrovertible is that from Mesarites we have one of the most tantalizing indications that there really was a full-body imprint, ŕ la Turin shroud, on the shroud preserved in Constantinople's imperial collection. As Mesarites, according to his own account, continued his description of the shroud when confronting the mob: `It is of linen, a cheap and easily obtainable material, still fragrant with myrrh. And it is imperishable because it covered the uncircumscribed, naked and myrrh-perfumed dead body after the passion.' Besides describing the material of the shroud as linen, exactly the same as that of the Edessan `holy face', Mesarites also most interestingly describes the body as aperilepton, `uncircumscribed', or `outlineless', tantalizingly suggesting the outlineless quality of the Turin shroud. Also, he referred to the body as `naked', raising the question of why he should volunteer such information unless this nakedness was somehow evident on the sindon?" (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, pp.154-155) 8/09/2007 "Now although on its own Mesarites' reference is insufficiently explicit to persuade us that the shroud in the imperial relic collection really did bear a Turin-shroud type imprint, as it happens, from just two years later there is another and even more persuasive eyewitness to be called upon. This was a comparatively humble knight from Picardy in France, Robert de Clari who, as a member of the Fourth Crusade in 1203, toured Constantinople as a guest after having helped depose the Byzantine usurper Alexius III. Goggle-eyed at the wonders he saw around him, out-dazzling anything in western Europe, de Clari wrote an account of it, a History of those who Conquered Constantinople, which survives in a single manuscript in the Royal Library, Copenhagen. In this he noted: `... about the other marvels that are there [in Constantinople] ... there was another church called My Lady St Mary of Blachernae, where there was the shroud [sydoines] in which [lit. where] Our Lord had been wrapped, which every Friday raised itself upright, so that one could see the figure of Our Lord on it [lit. there] ... above].' Particularly in the light of the shroud carbon dating, for us this is one of the most crucial documents of any we have considered. Writing in the third person, Robert de Clari insisted `he may not have recounted in as fair a fashion as many a good author would have done, yet he always told the strict truth,' and there is nothing in his book to suggest otherwise. Authoritatively and unequivocally he tells us that as early as 1203 there existed in Constantinople a shroud with an imprint of Christ's body - thus corresponding in all essential features to the one that carbon dating and Bishop d'Arcis would have us believe was so cunningly forged in France a century and a half later." (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, pp.155-156) 8/09/2007 "There is one alternative, however, that makes complete sense of all the available facts. This is that what Robert de Clari saw was indeed the Edessan `holy face', revealed for the first time publicly as a full-length, image-bearing shroud, exactly as understood of the present-day shroud of Turin. It is even possible to put some sense to his description that the cloth `raised itself upright', vividly conveying an image of Jesus rising out of the tomb, exactly as in the `BASILEIS THS DOEHS' or `King of Glory' representations noted earlier in this chapter. Had there been contrived some gadgetry to make the cloth rise upright out of its casket, just as the emperor was made to whirl aloft before those who sought an audience with him in his golden throne-room? Clearly de Clari was fascinated by what he saw, sufficient to note that: `... no one, either Greek or French, ever knew what became of this shroud when the city was taken.' This suggests, perhaps because it had so recently come to be kept at Blachernae, that the Edessa `holy face'/shroud, was not with the other major relics when the Crusaders launched their full-scale sack of Constantinople in 1204. And this therefore at least allows the possibility that it became secreted away to emerge 150 years later as the cloth we now know as the Turin shroud." (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, pp.157-158. Emphasis original) 8/09/2007 "But although we have now seen some compelling evidence that the `holy face' of Edessa may have borne the imprint of a full-length, shroud-like figure, still this does not mean that it can be identified with any certainty as one and the same as the shroud that we know today in Turin. Seriously to challenge the carbon dating, we still need some almost finger-print-type means of determining that it was this very same shroud, and none other, that was around in the early centuries as the original of all the `holy faces' that followed. Yet as we are about to see, even something very much along the lines of a finger-print-type identification may not be totally beyond our reach." (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, p.158) 8/09/2007 "But, rather fittingly, it was from Paul Vignon that the new sindonology received its most important impetus. Out of his background as a painter, he evolved an idea that lighted the dark years of the Shroud's primitive existence. First presented in 1938, his brilliant `Iconographic Theory' purported to show that the relic of Turin, with its imprint, was known and reverenced as far back as the fifth century. The theory had its beginnings in a fact already known to historians of art. The physical appearance of Christ in paintings, sculptures and carvings can be rather sharply divided into two periods, with the line of separation running through the fourth century. In the first period-from the evidence of the catacomb pictures and some early Christian sarcophagi-Christ is depicted as a beardless youth with an oval face exuding the clarity of innocence. The stress is on His divinity; His humanity is lost in a gloss of shining naivete. Nowhere, in all the art that has been preserved from the first 300 years after His death, is He seen any other way. Then, with the emergence of Christianity under Constantine, this obviously symbolic portrayal was discarded and pictures of Christ began to appear with the emphasis on His mature humanity-always as the same set type." (Walsh, J.E., "The Shroud," Random House: New York NY, 1963, pp.154-155. Emphasis original) 8/09/2007 "The face now was long and sharply profiled, the nose virile. The eyes were large and deep-set. The hair was parted in the middle and fell to the shoulders; the face carried a beard, often two-pointed, and a mustache. The fact of this sudden and widespread change was known and it corresponded to the dawning curiosity that historians had noted as an element in the new freedom. What, people were asking in the bright days of Christianity's morning, did Christ really look like? But the underlying reasons for this total acceptance of a set type for Christ were never really searched for. Generally, it was supposed that the singular portrait was the fruit of tradition, or derived from some still more ancient original. Yet historians knew that no reliable descriptions of the Messiah had ever been preserved. Not one of His contemporaries wrote down what He looked like. ... For Vignon, however, the fact became an inspiration. Might not the new type of Christ have been modeled on the relic? If the Shroud had been hidden away under an official silence during the persecutions, and then brought out in Constantine's reign, it was possible-even probable- that the physiognomy of Christ would thereafter be based on the imprint. Undeniably, the portrait on the cloth bore the same features as the traditional Christ of the artists." (Walsh, J.E., "The Shroud," Random House: New York NY, 1963, pp.155-156. Emphasis original) 8/09/2007 "There must be some way to tie the two together, Vignon thought. If the Shroud was the progenitor of the traditional Christ, then something of the parent must have carried over into the offspring! Eventually, after a long and minute comparison of the face on the cloth with hundreds of paintings, frescoes and mosaics, he found the answer. Certain peculiarities were evident in the Shroud-peculiarities that were really accidental imperfections in the image or the fabric itself, and that served no artistic purpose. Yet, he observed jubilantly, these very oddities appeared again and again in a whole series of ancient art works, even though artistically they made no sense. Surely, this could mean only one thing: ancient artists had taken their conception of a bearded, long-haired man from the image on the Shroud, and had included the anomalies because of a feeling that they were in some mysterious way connected with the earthly appearance of Jesus." (Walsh, J.E., "The Shroud," Random House: New York NY, 1963, pp.156-157) 8/09/2007 "There were about twenty of these items in all; some very pronounced, some just strongly characteristic of the face on the cloth. Most arresting were such things as a small square set above the nose and open at the top, the result either of a defect in the weave or a unique, accidental stain. There was the distorted appearance of the nose, swollen at the bridge with the right nostril enlarged; the abnormal shading of the right cheek; a curved transverse stain that ran senselessly across the forehead." (Walsh, J.E., "The Shroud," Random House: New York NY, 1963, p.157) 8/09/2007 "Vignon was able to find no single art work in which all twenty or so of these peculiarities were present, but he didn't expect to. Different details could be traced in different works and some of the items appeared with more frequency than others. It was enough, he insisted, to discover even a few of them in any art work to establish a relationship with the Shroud. The peculiarities were distinctive of the relic and their existence could not be explained without it. In the examples that Vignon provided, some of these oddities were reproduced with almost startling exactness; others appeared to be the artist's fumbling attempts to translate into living terms the grotesqueries of the negative imprint. This was only natural, explained Vignon, since these ancient artists had no understanding of the true nature of their model-its negativity. Moreover, some of the pictures were copies of copies and the strange little indicators had undergone some slight metamorphosis in the successive transitions." (Walsh, J.E., "The Shroud," Random House: New York NY, 1963, p.158. Emphasis original). 8/09/2007 "The earliest example of a picture based on the relic was the Holy Face of Edessa, which could be dated in the fifth century. This portrait was one of the first achiropoeton (literally, not made with hands), and like the other such "miracle" pictures in early Eastern Christianity, it had a long and involved story of its own Today it probably does not exist, although both Rome and Genoa claim to possess it. But there are copies available in which Vignon was able to trace the tell-tale signs of its dependence on the Shroud. Other examples he assigned to succeeding centuries and even placed the relic in Constantinople through comparison with the well-known Holy Face of Laon." (Walsh, J.E., "The Shroud," Random House: New York NY, 1963, pp.158-159. Emphasis original) 8/09/2007 "Some scholars have used the Iconographic Theory as a springboard for additions and variations. The German, Werner Bulst, and his colleagues held that all of the so-called `miraculous' pictures of antiquity, including the legend of Veronica's Veil, were derived from the relic of Turin, or from a knowledge of it in the primitive church. Said Bulst: `In one point all of these legends surprisingly agree: the picture resulted from the impression of the Face of Jesus on a cloth. Often the cloth was called a sudarium or a sweat cloth. It was also called a sindon in the legends-the same word used by the Synoptics for the Shroud. In fact the word sindon is used in one of the oldest texts that makes mention of the picture of Edessa ... [In another version] of the Edessa legend Jesus was stretched out to His full length on a linen cloth and an impression of His whole figure was left thereon ... The question may well be raised whether so ancient and widespread a tradition about a cloth with the impress of Jesus might not have some historical point of contact ...' [Bulst, W., "The Shroud of Turin," Bruce Publishing Co: Milwaukee WI, 1957, p.42]" (Walsh, J.E., "The Shroud," Random House: New York NY, 1963, pp.159-160. Emphasis original) 8/09/2007 "The image of the crucified on the Cloth of Turin differs, therefore, as has been shown, in its basic features and in numerous details from the whole artistic tradition. In this state of things it is all the more remarkable that, in regard to the Face itself, we must indicate a very extensive agreement with the ancient and traditional portrait of Christ. The most ancient representations of Christ, that have been preserved to us, have a typico- symbolical character. Particularly striking in this respect is the figure of the Good Shepherd, which has come down to us in the rather numerous wall paintings of the catacombs, in the plastic art of the early Christian sarcophagi, etc., and in individual statues from the first centuries. Christ appears with a youthful, often boyish and affable figure, with oval face, beardless as a rule, and with short hair. About the fourth century another way of depicting Christ began to prevail, and it indicates an obvious striving to do greater justice to the historical appearance of the Lord. Thus the symbolical is in turn succeeded by the historical concept, or portrait. Christ now stands before us with stress on his manhood. His face is sharply profiled as a rule and longish, with virile nose, generally with large and deep-set eyes. The chin, lips, and cheek are moderately bearded; and the hair, often parted in the middle, reaches to the shoulders." (Bulst, W., "The Shroud of Turin," McKenna, S. & Galvin, J.J., transl., Bruce Publishing Co: Milwaukee WI, 1957, pp.38-39) 8/09/2007 "Whence came this new type of Christ, which soon prevailed almost everywhere with certain variations and has so markedly determined Christ's picture in art up to the present day? The prototype of the new picture of Christ cannot be sought in the field of classical Greek and Roman art, where, among the numerous actual portraits, we will probably not find a single one with hair parted in the middle and reaching to the shoulders. We only find analogies to this picture of Christ in the paintings of Biblical figures which appear generally at a somewhat later date. We have no reliable literary tradition about the form and appearance of Christ. On this point the Gospels and the most ancient Christian writers are silent. The apocryphal accounts about the youthful or boyish beauty of Christ deserve no credence, since they were determined by theological speculations rather than an authentic tradition." (Bulst, W., "The Shroud of Turin," McKenna, S. & Galvin, J.J., transl., Bruce Publishing Co: Milwaukee WI, 1957, p.39) 8/09/2007 "Since at least the sixth century, mention is made repeatedly and in various places of pictures of Christ which were "achiropoeton," i.e., "not made with hands." The most important of these is the so-called Picture of Edessa (or of Abgar). Its early history is obscure. The year 544 is the earliest and to some extent the more certain date for its existence. The (miraculous) picture was discovered in that year in the wall over a city gate in Edessa. Hence it seems to have been much older. We do not know exactly how this picture looked, but there is no doubt that it depicted Christ with beard and long hair. The famous Picture of Veronica, which is known to have been in Rome from at least the twelfth century, also belongs to this type, but is probably much older and of oriental origin. This picture was likewise regarded as not-made-with-human-hands, a `true picture' of Christ, and was therefore held in the highest esteem. ... Now the image on the Cloth of Turin clearly agrees with this type of representation of Christ, at least in the basic features. It shows a very striking similarity to some very ancient pictures of Christ, e.g., to a picture in the catacomb of Peter and Marcellinus (about 400), to the Christ of the three crosses on the portal of St. Sabina in Rome (beginning of the fifth century), to several mosaics in S. Apollinare Nuovo in Ravenna (around 500), and to the mosaic in the apse of SS. Cosmas and Damian, Rome (about the sixth century). Such being the case, we must have here some relationship of dependency either direct or at least indirect. Agreement so extensive cannot be due to chance. There would be no trouble explaining it, if the image on the Cloth of Turin were a painting. Then it would simply be another link in the artistic tradition. Anyone making a `Shroud of Christ' must abide by the portrait canonized as traditional and legitimate. But should the fact be that the image on the Cloth of Turin is not a work of art at all, as those who have probed its artistic technique and style all but unanimously confess, then what? How explain its remarkable agreement with the traditional portrait of Christ? If the medical investigations, which we have yet to report, are correct: that the image on the Cloth is actually the imprint of a human corpse, of a man who was crucified, then quite naturally this portrait cannot derive from a fixed art type. Perhaps the relationship of dependency ought to be the other way round? In other words, must we not rather hold that the prevalent portrait of Christ, of which we have evidence from the fourth century (if not earlier), derives from the face on the Cloth (just how would be another question)? Or must we perhaps hold that, in a way we can no longer determine more precisely, it goes back to the Man whose image has come down to us, impressed on the Cloth of Turin?" (Bulst, W., "The Shroud of Turin," McKenna, S. & Galvin, J.J., transl., Bruce Publishing Co: Milwaukee WI, 1957, pp.41-42) 8/09/2007 "These speculations gain added support from certain elements in the story of the Picture of Edessa, and the ancient Achiropoeta as a whole, which possibly may refer to the image on the Cloth of Turin, and perhaps interpret their being `not made with hands' for us. The history of the Picture of Edessa is a tissue of legends: numerous, different, and at times self-contradictory. But in one point all these legends surprisingly agree: the picture resulted from the impression of the Face of Jesus on a cloth. In one version it is the impress of His sweat-soaked Face. Often the cloth was called a Sudarium or sweat cloth," like the Picture of Veronica in the West. It was also called a Sindon in the legends - the same word used by the Synoptics for the Shroud. In fact, the word sindon is used in one of the oldest texts that makes mention of the Picture of Edessa. In another unique version of the Edessa legend, that we have in a manuscript of uncertain date, the connection with the Shroud is even more evident. It is a Latin translation, apparently from the Syriac, and was certainly known before the mid-twelfth century, if not much earlier. According to this, Jesus was stretched out to His full length on a linen cloth and an impression of His whole figure was left thereon." (Bulst, W., "The Shroud of Turin," McKenna, S. & Galvin, J.J., transl., Bruce Publishing Co: Milwaukee WI, 1957, pp.41-42. Emphasis original) 8/09/2007 "The question may well be raised, whether so ancient and widespread a tradition about a cloth with the impress of Jesus might not have some historical point of contact, even if the tradition is largely legendary. ... The idea of a picture impressed on a cloth is first found in connection with Christ. This tradition about an impressed picture of Jesus meshes remarkably with the conviction of numberless doctors, who for quite different reasons, attest that the image on the Cloth of Turin must be the imprint of the sweat-sopped body of someone crucified. In a variety of indicative clues: nail wounds, whip stripes, and the marks of a crown of thorns they are led to suspect that the Someone is Christ. Should this medical evidence prove valid, and further, should the identification of Jesus as the one crucified be confirmed, we would have proof of the starting point in history and the core of the tradition for an imprinted image of Christ on a linen cloth." (Bulst, W., "The Shroud of Turin," McKenna, S. & Galvin, J.J., transl., Bruce Publishing Co: Milwaukee WI, 1957, pp.42-43) 9/09/2007 "Despite these difficulties, however, all is by no means as unforthcoming as might at first appear. For instance, long recognized on the shroud as preceding the very distinctive scars of the 1532 fire are four sets of triple burn holes that derive from some unrecorded damage incident that was certainly before 1516, as the marks are clearly visible in a painted copy of that year. [In the Church of St Gommaire, Lierre, Belgium.] The four sets back each other up, indicating that the damage was sustained when the cloth was folded in four, and they appear almost as if a sputtering red hot poker was thrust through the cloth three times, the topmost of the three holes having next to it an extra one, as if created by a stray spark. In 1986 French Dominican monk Pere A. M. Dubarle, a former scholar of the Jerusalem Ecole Biblique, was corresponding on the subject of the shroud-like figure on the Pray manuscript of 1192 ... when his correspondent drew his attention to some curious holes indicated on the illustration below this figure. Clearly visible on the sarcophagus in the scene of the three Marys visiting the Empty Tomb was a line of three holes, with an extra one offset to one side .... Even more curious, though almost vanishingly tiny, was a similar set of three holes to be seen on the shroud or napkin-like cloth depicted rolled up on the sarcophagus .... Could these have been intended to represent the `poker hole' marks that the artist of 1192 knew to be on the Christ shroud of his day, the one preserved in Constantinople? If this could be believed, then even on its own it would at a stroke set the shroud's date nearly a hundred years earlier than the very earliest date allowed by carbon dating." (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, pp.160-161) 9/09/2007 "However, well over half a century before this particular observation by Dubarle and his correspondent, another Frenchman had been fired by the self-same idea that something along these lines was the way to establish that the shroud really was around during the early centuries. This was Paul Vignon, who as early as 1900 had been shown the shroud photograph by Paris anatomy professor, Yves Delage. Although a biologist by training, Vignon became launched into decades of enthusiastic research into every aspect of the shroud. Late in his life, however, the topic that particularly absorbed him was the incidence in early Byzantine portraits of the Christ Enthroned/Christ Pantocrator type of curious facial markings seeming to derive from equivalent features on the shroud. To present his findings, Vignon compiled a beautifully produced book, Le Saint Suaire de Turin devant la Science, l'Archeologie, l'Histoire, l'Iconographie, la Logique (The Holy Shroud of Turin in the light of Science, Archaeology, History, Iconography and Logic). (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness pp.161-162). 9/09/2007 "Even before examining Vignon's specific arguments relating to the markings, there is a lot to suggest that he was on the right track in surmising a powerful association between Byzantine Pantocrator/Christ Enthroned portraits and those of the face of Christ on cloth, as in our `holy faces' and on the `shroud. Particularly indicative of this are two very anciennthroned/Christ Pantocrator portraits, both in Rome, and known from the earliest as Acheropita, or images `made without hands'. The first of these is the now familiar Acheropita of the Sancta Sanctorum Chapel of the Lateran ... which ... was in Rome at least as early as 754, more than two centuries before the earliest recorded existence of the Veronica.." (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, p.162). 9/09/2007 The second `Acheropita' ... is the already mentioned Christ Pantocrator head in mosaic ... set in the apse of the basilica of St John Lateran, just across the piazza from the Sancta Sanctorum chapel. Over-size, this is readily visible to every basilica visitor, and the Christ countenance is replete with some most distinctive markings, particularly on the forehead. .... In its original form it most likely dates as far back as the late sixth century.... these two `Acheropita', both with `holy face' associations, and both dating back to the sixth century (the time of the apparent rediscovery of the `holy face' of Edessa), point to a very clear relation between the Christ Enthroned/Pantocrator iconographic type, and the `made without hands' holy face on cloth. This is further indicated by the fact that when in 945 the Byzantine Emperor Constantine VII celebrated the first anniversary of the `holy face' of Edessa's coming to Constantinople, he issued a clearly commemorative gold coin with a Christ Pantocrator bust on its reverse. There are also several references to the `holy face' of Edessa being set on a throne and being accorded imperial honours. Effectively, Christ Pantocrator/Christ Enthroned portraits from the sixth century on would seem to have been representations of the `holy face' of Edessa, merely in a translated form. And this serves to reinforce the significance that Paul Vignon attached to Byzantine Christ Pantocrator/Christ Enthroned portraits as embodying facial markings derivative from the shroud." (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, pp.164-165). 9/09/2007 "Now to find a classic example of the Vignon type - even though Vignon himself appears not to have been aware of this particular one - we need look no further than a well-preserved and strongly Byzantine Christ Enthroned ... that to this day looks down from the apse of the Basilica of Sant'Angelo in Formis, a church sited among ancient ruins five miles north of Capua in central Italy. Because it is in fresco this particular example has not suffered the retouchings and alterations that so often beset panel paintings and mosaics. It dates from circa 1050, and immediately evident are a variety of markings to the face, including several identified by Vignon as derivative from the shroud. Notable among these are a transverse line across the forehead, a raised right eyebrow, an upside-down triangle at the bridge of the nose, heavily delineated lower eyelids, a strongly accentuated left cheek, a strongly accentuated right cheek, and a hairless gap between the lower lip and beard." (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, p.164) 9/09/2007 "Although most such markings tend to come and go between one portrait and another, indicative inevitably of artists working at several hands removed from the hypothetical master-original, the one deserving of special attention is the upside-down triangle clearly indicated between the eyebrows. Particularly important is that unlike several other of the markings it has no logic as a natural feature of the face, making all the more interesting its recurrence in several other key works. Thus we see it particularly distinctively on the awe- inspiring eleventh-century mosaic Pantocrator ... that glowers down from the dome of the church at Daphni, near Athens. In this, even more decisively than in the Sant'Angelo in Formis fresco, its occurrence simply cannot be dismissed as fanciful, for the reason that pieces of black mosaic have been specially selected and arranged into the shape of a triangle in order to convey it. Equally significantly, we see it very prominently and distinctively on several early copies of the `holy face' of Edessa, notably on the twelfth-century fresco at Spas Nereditsa ... and on the Genoa `holy face' ... , where importantly it appears on the oldest image, that is, the one underlying that visible at the present day, as revealed by X-radiography. Most crucially, of course, it is also on the Turin shroud itself ..., where its incidence, though unmistakable, seems to be the entirely natural one of some anomaly of the weave. It is hard to believe that it was not the incidence of this feature on the shroud that caused it to be repeated by so many copyists." (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, pp.165-166) 9/09/2007 "Of course it is also arguable that such a single feature as this might be better attributable just to some trick of the eye, or at best to coincidence. This would be hotly refuted, however, by one distinguished American physician, Dr Alan Whanger, professor of psychiatry at Duke University, North Carolina. Introduced to the subject of the shroud at the time of its exposition in 1978, Whanger became so fascinated by the numerous parallels he observed between Byzantine Christ portraits and the shroud face that he invented his own special twin projector/polaroid overlay method in order more scientifically to compare the markings one against the other [Whanger, A.D. & Whanger, M., "Polarized image overlay technique: a new image comparison method and its applications," Applied Optics, Vol. 24, No. 16, 15 March 1985, pp. 766-772]. For as Whanger quickly discovered, just to set up twin projectors, one with a slide of the shroud face, the other with a suitable-looking Christ portrait, was inadequate to make a suitably precise comparison. He therefore added polaroid filters, a vertical one in the first projector, a horizontal one in the second, giving the viewer a third filter for manual rotation in front of the projected image. This enabled the observation and mapping of the points of similarity with a quite remarkable ease and precision. And with the aid of this method Whanger found some instances of a hundred or more points of similarity, or congruity between a Christ portrait and the shroud face, well over anything that could possibly be attributed to chance." (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, p.166). 9/09/2007 "Particularly astonishing have been the numerous points of congruity he identified in an icon Christ Pantocrator of the sixth century, from St Catherine's monastery, Sinai ... also in the first ever coins to feature the Christ Pantocrator image, superb gold solidi minted by the Byzantine Emperor Justinian II, and thereby precisely datable to about the year AD 692. As a result of these and similar researches Whanger has become personally convinced that the shroud, in the guise of the `holy face' of Edessa, has to have been in existence and known by Byzantine artists a full eight centuries before the earliest ascribed to it by carbon dating." (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, pp.166-167) 9/09/2007 "The question raised is whether there is anything, besides the already-mentioned upside-down triangle, that might offer a similar vehicle for deduction in respect of the Christ Pantocrator/Christ Enthroned type portrait and the face on the shroud? In this regard perhaps no more distinctive and unnatural a feature is to be found on the shroud face than a sharply geometric topless square immediately between the eyebrows, just above the afore-mentioned upside-down triangle ... . As in the case of the triangle, its actual nature on the shroud is again uncertain. Although Whanger has thought it to be a Jewish phylactery, it is perhaps safest to regard it, as in the case of the triangle, as some accidental flaw or anomaly of the weave. Worthy of note is that a somewhat reminiscent feature can be seen on the Sant'Angelo in Formis Christ Enthroned ... on the Daphni Pantocrator ... and several others (including the Acheropita apse mosaic in St John Lateran ... . In each case, however, these are somewhat stylized, more rounded than on the shroud, asving been rendered more naturalistic by artists copying this feature at second or third hand." (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, p.167) 9/09/2007 "But there is one example that is almost spectacularly different. Out on the Via Portuense, which runs south- westwards out of Rome, there lies one of Rome's least-known catacombs, the Catacomb of S. Ponziano, or St Pontianus. It goes unmentioned even by the authoritative Blue Guide to Rome, and can only be visited by special permission from the Pontificia Commissione di Archeologia Sacra, the Pontifical Commission of Sacred Archaeology. Importantly, since the whole catacomb was closed down after AD 820, any decoration inside it almost inevitably has to be of an earlier date. On one wall, slightly damaged, but its colours still fresh, is to be seen a very fine fresco ... of Christ Pantocrator iconographically so close to that of the coins of Justinian II that its date is almost certainly the same, the end of the seventh century. But its real feature of interest is the one which lies between Christ's eyebrows, and would be well nigh impossible to convey on anything as small as a coin. This is a sharply delineated topless square ... exactly corresponding in shape and positioning to that so unnatural mark between the eyebrows on the shroud. Now there can be no question of this feature perhaps being the result of some later tampering with the fresco. Not only did Vignon feature it in his book of 1939, thus dating it back at least fifty years, there are many indications that it was the work of the original seventh-century artist. Throughout the work, for instance, the artist used only a very limited range of colours, and it can be seen to have been painted in one of these. Furthermore, it has been created in fresco, thereby having been made integral to the original wall plaster, and can be adjudged as such by any expert. And if this originality is accepted, its significance in relation to the shroud's date is difficult to over-estimate. Just as the viewing of a single footprint on fresh sand provided for Robinson Crusoe the conclusive evidence that there was another human being (later revealed as Man Friday) on his island, so the presence of this topless square on an indisputably seventh/eighth-century fresco virtually demands that the shroud must have been around, somewhere, in some form at this early date. Since that form can have been scarcely other than the `holy face' of Edessa, the shroud's history is effectively established at least as far back as the sixth century, with the Abgar story offering a glimmer of how it may have arrived in Edessa back in the first." (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, pp.167-168) 9/09/2007 "Of course, there is one alternative scenario that may occur to the more dogged sceptic. It is the inevitable chicken-and-egg one. Perhaps the hypothetical forger, in addition to his brilliance in creating the photographic quality of the shroud image, and his rendering of its bloodflows with such exactness, also knew of the strange markings on Christ portraits in art, and added these for yet more convincing effect? While such a possibility has to be acknowledged, it is equally important to stress its unconvincingness. As in so much else in his methodology, the hypothetical forger would have been alone among fourteenth- century artists, eastern and western, in taking an interest in these markings. Even in the Byzantine world the incidence of them fell away markedly following the Sack of Constantinople in 1204. Furthermore he would have had more than a little difficulty even finding out about the marking on the Ponziano catacomb fresco, for there seems no evidence that anyone knew of this catacomb's existence from its closure in 820 to the time the Italian archaeologist G. B. de Rossi began systematic excavation of all catacombs in 1852. Effectively, while there is a great deal to suggest that in the seventh/eighth century the Ponziano fresco artist might have taken his inspiration from a `holy face' cloth such as the shroud, there is absolutely nothing to suggest that in the fourteenth century the hypothetical shroud forger would or could have known anything of the Ponziano catacomb." (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, p.168) 9/09/2007 "Overall then, we have satisfied all the main requirements for confidence that something answering all the essential characteristics of the shroud was in existence as the `holy face' of Edessa between the sixth century and 1204. We have seen that the idea of Jesus imprinting the likeness of his face on cloth, and the physical existence of a cloth corresponding to this idea, goes back at least as far as the sixth century. We have found that the idea of Jesus imprinting wounds from his dead body (notably the wound in the side) onto this cloth, dates back at least as far as the tenth century. We have established that the idea of Jesus imprinting the full imprint of his body on cloth dates at least as far back as the twelfth century. Not least, we have identified markings that virtually fingerprint the shroud to having been in existence at least as early as the eighth century. Against all this we have been able to add virtually nothing to the credibility of the hypothetical fourteenth-century forger. So was there in the fourteenth century a brilliant unknown individual who transmuted the undeniably pre-existent idea of Jesus imprinting his image on cloth into the extraordinary reality that is the Turin shroud, embodying in it features it was virtually impossible for him to know of? Or could the accuracy of the shroud carbon dating somehow be not quite all that has been claimed of it?" (Wilson, I., "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, 1991, p.169) 9/09/2007 "The only early literary reference seeming to suggest for it some prefourteenth-century existence is an account by Crusader Robert de Clari that in August 1203, shortly before the sack of Constantinople, he saw in that city a church `... which they called My Lady St. Mary of Blachernae, where was kept the sydoine in which Our Lord was wrapped, which stood up straight every Friday so that the [figure] of Our Lord could be plainly seen there. To this De Clari added intriguingly: `No one, either Greek or French, ever knew what became of this sydoine after the city was taken.' .... Yet even if the present-day Shroud was one and the same as the sydoine described by De Clari in Constantinople, there is no clear record of either the coming or the going of this." (Wilson, I., "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, 1986, pp.103-104) 9/09/2007 "The question that arises is whether this makes it yet more likely that the Shroud must be the work of some fourteenth-century painter, or whether there could be some other possible explanation. One potentially rewarding approach is to consider whether, independent of literary references, there are any visual clues to the possible early existence of the cloth we know today as the Turin Shroud. Particularly interesting in this connection are the portraits of Jesus that have come down to us through the centuries, portraits which, it is to be noted, correspond very closely with the bearded, long-haired image visible, even without the aid of the photographic negative, on the Shroud linen itself. It needs to be recognized that while if the Shroud is the work of an artist of the fourteenth century the artist would obviously have copied the traditional likeness of the time, if, on the other hand, it genuinely derives from the first century and was subsequently preserved somewhere accessible, then inevitably early artists must have consulted it as a guide to Jesus' earthly appearance, of which there is no information provided in the Gospels. Following this line of thinking, it seems at least potentially productive to try to trace how far back the conventional Jesus likeness can be found in works of art and to try to determine whether this offers any clues that the Shroud image may lie behind it." (Wilson, I., "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, 1986, pp.104-105) 9/09/2007 "A study of this kind is, to say the least, illuminating. A consistent Shroud-like, long-haired, fork-bearded, front-facing likeness of Christ can be traced back through numerous works in the Byzantine tradition dating many centuries before the time of Geoffrey de Charny. Beginning with the twelfth century, there is an imposing Christ Pantocrator from Cefalu, Sicily. From about a century earlier, a similar, almost terrifying Pantocrator glowers from the dome of the church of Daphni, near Athens. From back to the tenth century, a still familiar-looking Christ Enthroned stares out from the church of St. Angelo in Formis, near Capua ... . Datable back to the eighth century, a similar-looking Christ portrait is to be found in the depths of the Pontianus catacomb, near Rome. As early as the sixth century, still with the same facial resemblance, are a Christ portrait on a silver vase found at Homs, in present-day Syria, and a beautiful icon of Christ Pantocrator from the monastery of St. Catherine in the Sinai Desert. Despite stylistic variations, each of these works seems inspired by the same tradition of Jesus' earthly appearance. And each has a strong resemblance to the face visible on the Shroud." (Wilson, I., "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, 1986, p.105). 9/09/2007 "In this connection, as early as the 1930s a Frenchman, Paul Vignon, pointed out among this same family of Christ portraits a recurrence of certain strange markings seemingly derivative from the Shroud. One example is a starkly geometrical topless square visible between the eyebrows on the Shroud image. Exactly what this feature is remains undetermined, but it is to be seen in the identical position on the eighth-century Pontianus portrait, curiously unnatural on an otherwise naturalistic-enough work. Another example is a V shape visible between the apparent `eyes' on the Shroud image, and recurring on the Daphni and S. Angelo in Formis portraits, and several others. Altogether, some fifteen Shroud oddities of this kind consistently recur in Byzantine portraits of Christ." (Wilson, I., "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, 1986, pp.105,107). 9/09/2007 "So persistent are these oddities that they have certainly not gone unnoticed by professional art historians. Professor Kurt Weitzmann of Princeton University has remarked of the sixth-century icon portrait from the St. Catherine monastery, Sinai ... : `... the pupils of the eyes are not at the same level; the eyebrow over Christ's left eye is arched higher than over his right . . one side of the mustache droops at a slightly different angle from the other, while the beard is combed in the opposite direction ... Many of these subtleties remain attached to this particular type of Christ image and can be seen in later copies, e.g. the mosaic bust in the narthex of Hosios Lukas over the entrance to the catholicon ... Here too the difference in the raising of the eyebrows is most noticeable ...' [Weitzmann, K., "The Monastery of St. Catherine at Mount Sinai: The Icons," Princeton University Press, 1976, p.15]" (Wilson, I., "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, 1986, p.107). 9/09/2007 "For Weitzmann and others, there has been disinclination to consider the Shroud as a possible source of these facial oddities, understandable enough from the point of view of damage to academic reputations if the Shroud were proved a forgery. But such considerations have not deterred Dr. Alan Whanger, professor of psychiatry at Duke University, North Carolina, an enthusiastic spare-time researcher on the Shroud. In 1978, Whanger was so struck by the similarity between the Shroud facial image and that of the Christ portrait on a Byzantine gold solidus minted about the year A.D. 695, that he immediately began experimenting to find the best scientific means of comparing the two images, the one life-size, the other no more than nine millimeters high. The method he devised was to photograph both the Shroud face and the coin portrait so that each have the same proportions on 35-mm. transparencies, then to project the transparencies from two slide projectors so that they appear superimposed upon one another on the same projection screen. Because such double projection would normally make it difficult to determine which feature belongs to which image, Whanger adds a polaroid filter to each projector, one perpendicular, the other horizontal, and manually rotates a third one. The effect is to enable the areas of congruence between the two images to be observed with ease and precision ... ." (Wilson, I., "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, 1986, p.107-108). 9/09/2007 "The result throws up so many areas of congruity, including even the matching of Christ's neckline on the coin portrait with a persistent accidental crease on the Shroud, that to Whanger it has seemed self-evident that the Shroud must somehow have served as inspiration for the Byzantine coin. Exploring other Byzantine images, he alighted on the intriguing sixth-century Pantocrator, icon from St. Catherine's monastery, Sinai, with the strange features already noted by Professor Weitzmann (see previous page). Following a painstaking study undertaken with his wife, Mary, Whanger claims the identification of no fewer than one hundred and seventy points of congruity between the Shroud image and the sixth-century icon. To them, and to many who have studied their work, it seems irrefutable that artists at least as early as the sixth century somehow had available to them either the Shroud, or a detailed copy of it, seven centuries before, according to Dr. McCrone, the image was devised by some cunning medieval artist." (Wilson, I., "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, 1986, p.110). 9/09/2007 "Importantly, neither the distinctive Shroud-like Christ portraits, nor the facial markings associated with them, are to be found datable before the sixth century. Many pre-sixth-century portraits of Jesus show him as an Apollo-like, beardless youth (see opposite, below). Others, although of a bearded, long-haired type, lack the precision, frontality, uniformity of features, and Vignon facial markings so predominant from the sixth century on. Writing in the fifth century, St. Augustine complained that the portraits of Jesus in his time were `innumerable in concept and design,' for the good reason that `We do not know of his external appearance, nor that of his mother.' [St. Augustine, De Trinitate, VIII, 4, 5, in Migne, J-P., Patrologia Latina, Vol. 42, 1801] The change came only in the sixth century. From that time on, everyone seemed to know what Jesus looked like, and portraitists, as if by invisible decree, suddenly locked on to the type of representation by which we recognize a picture of Jesus today, complete with the strange facial markings." (Wilson, I., "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, 1986, p.110). 9/09/2007 "So what caused them to do so? What, historically, is known to have been the source of inspiration for Byzantine portraits of Christ at that time? From the point of view of the tradition of the Eastern Orthodox Church, there is absolutely no mystery about this. The universally recognized source of the true likeness of Jesus in art was an apparently miraculously imprinted image of Jesus on cloth, the so-called Image of Edessa, or Mandylion, so highly venerated that a representation of it is to be found in virtually every Orthodox church even to this day. According to a clutch of early writers, this cloth was sent shortly after the death of Jesus to the town of Edessa, present-day Urfa, in eastern Turkey, a location in itself of interest, as it happens to be in the very Anatolian steppe region that Dr. Max Frei's pollen pinpoints as one of the sites of the Shroud's travels. In Edessa, the cloth is said to have been instrumental in the conversion to Christianity of the city's king, Abgar V (A.D. 13-50). Whatever the truth of this, some subsequent persecution seems to have caused the cloth's disappearance, but in the sixth century the cloth was rediscovered, apparently having been sealed for centuries in a niche above the city's gate. The fact of the time of its discovery being precisely that of the dramatic change in Christ portraits can scarcely be coincidental." (Wilson, I., "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, 1986, pp.110-111). 9/09/2007 "Furthermore, from the sixth century on, the cloth is a reliably recorded object, and the contemporary information that can be gleaned is of considerable interest. The early artists' copies show it as, a sepia- colored, disembodied image of Jesus' face set on a landscape (as distinct from portrait) -aspect, ivory- colored linen cloth, precisely corresponding to the facial area on the Shroud ... . Literary descriptions speak of the image as acheiropoietos (not made by hand), and refer to its composition as `a moist secretion without colouring or painter's art,' `due to sweat, not pigments,' and `like drops of blood.' In 944 a Byzantine army was sent to remove this cloth from Edessa and take it to Constantinople; it was this which precipitated the prevailing mystery concerning this remarkable object. For when, in 1204, the Fourth Crusade sacked Constantinople, whatever the Image of Edessa was, it disappeared just as completely and inexplicably as the image-bearing sydoine described by Robert de Clari. Inevitably the question that arises is whether the cloth Image of Edessa could have been one and the same as the present-day Shroud. As is unmistakable, if this is the case, its history would neatly fill almost the entire missing portion of that of the Shroud -assuming the latter is genuinely of first-century date." (Wilson, I., "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, 1986, p.111). 9/09/2007 "At first sight, however, there are some powerful objections. For instance, early- manuscript accounts of the Edessa Image, almost without exception, describe what was visible on the cloth as only Jesus' face. Direct artists' copies, which because of the relic's holiness occur only from the tenth century on, similarly show only a face. Although manuscript accounts differ in their concepts of how the image was formed, they broadly comprise two traditions: (i) that Jesus imprinted his likeness on the cloth when he dried .his face after baptism; (ii) that Jesus imprinted his likeness on the cloth when he dried his face after the `bloody sweat' (noted in Luke 22:44) during the agony in Gethsemane. The universal idea of the Image of Edessa was one of an image of Jesus created while he was alive. And in a direct description of the imperial family studying the Image of Edessa at the time of its reception in Constantinople in A.D. 944, it is quite clear that people of that time had no idea they could be looking at a burial shroud." (Wilson, I., "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, 1986, pp.111-112) 9/09/2007 "While such objections might appear overwhelming, and continue to be so regarded by some historians of Byzantium, their force can be dispelled by one comparatively simple hypothesis: that at the time of its rediscovery in the sixth century, and for at least some while after its reception into Constantinople, the Shroud was folded and mounted in such a way that only the facial area was visible and accessible. On the basis of such a hypothesis, every description of the Image of Edessa during the period in question is compatible with a viewing of the Shroud. Assuming no awareness that it is a gravecloth, the Shroud image's `eyes' appear open and staring, readily suggestive that it was formed while Jesus was alive. Viewed in anything less than the strongest light (a rare commodity in Byzantine churches), the Shroud's `crown of thorns' blood flows are virtually indistinguishable from the rest of the face, hence easily interpretable as from the `bloody sweat' of Gethsemane" (Wilson, I., "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, 1986, p.112) 9/09/2007 "There is much to support such a hypothesis. For instance, the tenth-century official history of the Image of Edessa describes the cloth as mounted on a board and embellished with gold. These features seem corroborated by artists' copies which usually show the cloth stretched taut, as if on a board, and with a multistranded fringe, each strand of which is fastened to one of a row of nails ranged on either side of the cloth. A mounting arrangement of this kind would have been particularly ideal for the conservation of a cloth such as the Shroud, since no nails need have touched the linen itself." (Wilson, I., "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, 1986, p.112) 9/09/2007 "Even more pertinent is early information concerning possible folding. One sixth-century text relating to the Image of Edessa quite explicitly describes it as tetradiplon, `doubled in four.' A most curious choice of word, according to Cambridge University's Professor Lampe, editor of the Lexicon of Patristic Greek, in all literature it occurs only in association with the Image of Edessa, being scarcely, therefore, an idle turn of phrase. The word seems to mean doubled, then redoubled, then doubled again, i.e. doubling three times which has the effect of `doubling in four,' producing 4 x 2 folds. If the Shroud is folded in this manner, the result is unmistakable. The face alone appears, disembodied on a landscape-aspect background, in a manner of the most striking similarity to the early artists' copies of the Image of Edessa. The possibility can scarcely be ignored that if the Shroud was indeed preserved in this manner, the Byzantines might have kept it for centuries not realizing it was a shroud (or the Shroud), simply because the full-length figure had been sealed away long before their time." (Wilson, I., "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, 1986, pp.112,114) 9/09/2007 "Obviously, it would be considerable support to such a theory if there is direct evidence that at some time while still in the possession of the Byzantines the Image's still hypothetical full-length imprint was suddenly revealed. There indeed seems evidence for this, beginning with sometime in the eleventh century. Without any explanation given, artists at this time begin to show scenes of Jesus' entombment in which, instead of being shown wrapped mummy-style as previously, his body is depicted enveloped in a specifically Shroud- type winding sheet. Several examples of this type feature, for the first time ever, his hands crossed Shroud- style over the loins, a particularly striking example of this being the Hungarian Pray manuscript, reliably dated 1192-95, which, like the Shroud, shows Jesus completely naked." (Wilson, I., "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, 1986, p.114) 9/09/2007 "Alongside such artistic evidence, gossip-mongering writers from the twelfth century specifically begin speaking of a full-length body imprint y imprint on the Image of Edessa. Ordericus Vitalis, around the year 1130, wrote of it: `This displayed to those who gazed on it the likeness and proportions of the body of the Lord.' [Emphasis supplied] A twelfth-century writer of a Rome codex similarly put into the mouth of Jesus that the cloth he was sending to King Abgar was `A cloth on which the image not only of my face but of may whole body has been divinely transformed.' [Emphasis supplied]" (Wilson, I., "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, 1986, p.114. Emphasis original) 9/09/2007 "As perhaps the most tantalizing clue of all that the full-length figure came to light, from the eleventh century on, the Byzantines began to use in their Good Friday Liturgy beautiful epitaphioi, large embroidered cloths explicitly symbolic of Jesus' shroud, complete with a pictorial representation of the full- length body of Jesus laid out in death. In two examples, the finest of which is that of King Uros Milutin, preserved in the Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Belgrade, the body is represented frontally with the hands crossed in an identical manner to that of the Shroud. The date is two generations before the time of Geoffrey de Charny." (Wilson, I., "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, 1986, pp.114, 117. Emphasis original) 9/09/2007 "There is, then, at least a reasonable case to be made for the Shroud's having spent at least half its history in -a hitherto unrecognized guise, as the Image of Edessa. If the identification is to be sustained (and only an eventual first-century radio-carbon date can provide optimum support), some explanation is of course necessary for what might have happened to the cloth during the century and a half between its disappearance in 1204 as the Image of Edessa and its emergence as the Shroud in the 1310s in the hands of the De Charnys. There are various possibilities, but according to one Oxford scholar, Hungarian Dr. Csocsán de Varallja, the most likely person to have whisked the Shroud away during the confusion of the crusader capture of Constantinople was the Hungarian-born Empress Mary-Margaret, a colorful woman married when she was a child of ten to the considerably older Emperor Isaac II Angelus. By 1204, in the course of the vicissitudes preceding the fail of Byzantium, Isaac had been blinded and suffered two overthrows; he died during the Crusader capture of the city. When, after the sack, victorious crusader leader Boniface de Montferrat took charge of the imperial palace, he found inside the just-widowed Mary- Margaret, a still attractive woman of twenty-nine. Boniface proposed to her the same day, they were married in little over a month, and they subsequently moved to Thessalonica. Here one of Mary-Margaret's few known activities was her founding of a Church of the Acheiropoietos (i.e. of the Image of Edessa) .... Arguably, she may have done this to house the Image of Edessa/Shroud brought with her from Constantinople. Perhaps significantly, one of the finest of all known epitaphioi originated in Thessalonica." (Wilson, I., "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, 1986, p.117) 9/09/2007 "Most tantalizing of all, when, in 1207, Boniface died, Mary-Margaret married yet again, her new husband being a Nicholas de Saint-Omer, by whom she had a son William. This William became involved with the Order of Knights Templar, and whether or not he may have been instrumental in passing the cloth to the Order, what is certain is that there are good grounds for believing that by the end of the thirteenth century the Templars secretly had the Shroud, or at least something like it. At this time, all Europe buzzed with rumors that they were worshiping some form of bearded, reddish-color male head-sometimes referred to as on a plaque-at secret chapter meetings. Such rumors gave King Philip the Fair of France the excuse to arrest all Templars and confiscate the wealth of the order in 1307. Although whatever the original was it was never found, what may well be a copy of it came to light on the site of a former Templar preceptory at Templecombe, in Somerset, England ... . This is a bearded, Christ-like face painted on a wooden panel, of an unmistakable likeness to the Shroud in its folded form. A further clue lies in the name of one of the highest dignitaries of the Templars, the Master of Normandy, burnt at the stake in 1314 .... This was Geoffrey de Charny, a man just one generation before the Geoffrey de Charny of Lirey, who was the first certain (or reasonably certain) owner of the present-day Turin Shroud. Such, then, is a hypothetical explanation for how the Shroud might not only be a genuine first-century burial cloth, but also have actually played a prominent part in international affairs during the hitherto mysterious years preceding the fourteenth century." (Wilson, I., "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, 1986, pp.117-118) 9/09/2007 "Professor Drews, for one, has been unconvinced by Professor Averil Cameron's arguments, but there remains one objection, the validity of which is recognized by the author. If the Shroud genuinely spent most of its years up to 1201 `doubled in four,' with only the face exposed, this would surely have left some telltale marks on the present-day linen, such as a darkening of the exposed area and vestiges of the original fold marks. Certainly there is no readily perceptible darkening of the facial area, but in fact there is no overwhelming reason why we should expect this. Darkening occurs due to the effect of exposure to light over long periods, and in the case of the Image of Edessa there is no evidence that it received such exposure. A `Liturgical Tractate' quoted by Drews indicates that while in Edessa it was kept in an upright chest with shutters that were opened only for brief intervals during two annual festivals. There were no doubt other times when the shutters were opened for artists to make the close copies that we have noted, but such events, both at Edessa and at Constantinople, would consistently have been in the dim lighting of an ecclesiastical interior, with the most minimal opportunity for darkening to occur." (Wilson, I., "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, 1986, pp.119-120) 9/09/2007 "It is a different situation in respect of the fold marks. Even if the folding arrangement minimized stress, nonetheless one would expect pronounced crease lines after what would have been more than one thousand years in the same position, although the extent to which, with moistening, old linen creases can be smoothed out is quite surprising. In fact, the Shroud's surface, when seen in an appropriate raking light, is literally crisscrossed with creases and fold marks of all kinds, inspiring Dr. John Jackson, in collaboration with photographer Vernon Miller, to make a special study of these as part of the STURP testing program in Turin in 1978. Regrettably, because of the limited time available, it was not possible for Miller to make a truly definitive set of raking-light photographs, but those he took with mere hand-held apparatus nonetheless showed up an intricate tracery of ancient and modern creasing from which John Jackson has been able to make some important deductions. In a published paper, `Foldmarks as a Historical Record of the Turin Shroud,' Jackson claims the pinpointing of at least four of the old Image of Edessa fold marks, with another two reasonably certain and the remainder there by implication. Particularly noteworthy is one fold mark studied by Jackson, that at location C (see photo), which can be traced clearly in the X-ray and ultraviolet photographs, those taken in raking light, and even in the conventional photographs from as early as 1898. Since it occurs precisely one-eighth length from the Shroud's natural halfway fold line, in itself it strongly suggests that the Shroud was genuinely once `doubled in four.' Undeniably, more definitive photographic documentation is required, but certainly there can no longer be claimed to be any absence of fold marks consistent with the Image of Edessa/ Shroud identification hypothesis." (Wilson, I., "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, 1986, p.120) 9/09/2007 "If the Shroud is genuinely ancient, its identification with the Image of Edessa remains the most plausible explanation for where and what it was during the centuries before the De Charnys. But it would be quite unwarranted to suggest such a history proved. For that there is still the requirement for the Shroud's fabrication to be positively and irrefutably dated to the first century A.D." (Wilson, I., "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, 1986, p.120) 11/09/2007 "In short, it is quite improbable that anyone, whether in the Middle Ages or in antiquity, whether a Christian or an opponent of Christianity, created the Shroud's image in order to simulate the image of Jesus' crucified body. Nor is there any statistical probability at all that the Shroud bears a nonintentional, or `natural,' image of a body other than Jesus' body. We must therefore conclude that, if the Shroud is indeed ancient, as it seems to be, it is very likely that the image on the Shroud is that of Jesus' body. Should a carbon test indicate that the Shroud itself dates from around the time of Jesus, the probability will be overwhelming that what we have on the Shroud is the vera imago of Jesus." (Drews, R., " In Search of the Shroud of Turin: New Light on Its History and Origins," Rowman & Allanheld: Totowa NJ, 1984, p.30) 11/09/2007 "If we look before the 14th century for references to shrouds bearing an image, the 1300 years before the time of Geoffrey I de Charny are very, very silent. There is a shroud mentioned in Jerusalem in the 7th century, but from no point of view is it identifiable with the cloth we know in Turin. The only viable reference there is one lone account of a French Crusader, Robert de Clari, in Constantinople in 1203 who said he saw there what he called a sydoine on which the figure of Christ could be seen. The very isolation of this account has led historians to conclude that this Crusader must have been mistaken, and that the Shroud itself is, bluntly, a 14th century forgery. This was the problem I began (to look at) ten years ago. The particular issue that intrigued me was the face on the Shroud and it's reminiscence of two things: 1. The likeness of Christ in art which, displaying a strong resemblance to the Shroud, could be traced back long before the 14th century. 2. The tradition of Christ imprinting his face on cloth, as in stories such as that of Veronica's veil. ... As there is no record in the gospels of Christ's earthly appearance, nor is there an unbroken artistic tradition from the 1st century A.D. of what Christ looked like, it seemed to me that if the Shroud was genuine it must somewhere, somehow have been an influence on both of these. A viable method of research seemed to be to try to trace back likeness and cloth traditions to see what they led to, whether there was some known common source that could be identified which might not at first sight appear to be the Shroud." (Wilson, I., "The Shroud's History Before the 14th Century," in Stevenson, K.E., ed., "Proceedings of the 1977 United States Conference of Research on The Shroud of Turin," Holy Shroud Guild: Bronx NY, 1977, pp.36-37) 11/09/2007 "The first aspect I tackled was the Christ likeness in art ... On these examples of Medieval and Renaissance likenesses, note the compatibility with the face on the Shroud. The type of Christ portrait I was particularly interested in was this bearded, rigidly front face example ... and although Jan van Eyck painted this in the 15th century he is known to have derived the likeness not from the Shroud (at least directly), but from similar rigidly front facing examples in Byzantine art going back to the 11th century ... even as far back as the 6th century ... as in this Byzantine vase portrait from Syria. Compare the 6th century vase and the face on the Shroud and it looks very, very strongly as if whoever created this knew of the Shroud. Now an important discovery was that this type of likeness did not extend further back than the 6th century ... When one looked at earlier likenesses such as this 4th century example from a mosaic pavement in England, Christ was represented as Apollo-like and beardless, and yet we know it is Christ from the monogram. There were many similar examples of this type ... together with some vague bearded examples which had nothing of the definition of the 6th century and post-6th century likenesses. It all seemed as if no-one was sure what Jesus had looked like before the 6th century (except of course in the time of the apostles), and this is confirmed by a passage from St. Augustine in the 5th century who said quite bluntly `we know not his earthly appearance, nor that of his mother.'" (Wilson, I., "The Shroud's History Before the 14th Century," in Stevenson, K.E., ed., "Proceedings of the 1977 United States Conference of Research on The Shroud of Turin," Holy Shroud Guild: Bronx NY, 1977, p.37) 11/09/2007 "So it seemed that the likeness of Christ identifiable with the Shroud had emerged at one clearly determinable point in story, the 6th century. This was at least a background of fact on which to build. One other aspect suggested that this method of research was along the right lines. Back in the Thirties, a Frenchman, Paul Vignon, had been struck by certain oddities in Byzantine Christ portraits of the front-facing type: intriguing markings the face which he thought might be traceable to oddities on the Shroud (figure 11). A typical example was this Catacomb portrait from Rome, of the 8th century. Vignon noticed on this a curious topless square between the eyes, a most odd feature for an otherwise competent artist to include. He looked at the Shroud, and found an identical marking in the same place, an as yet unidentifiable irregularity of the image." (Wilson, I., "The Shroud's History Before the 14th Century," in Stevenson, K.E., ed., "Proceedings of the 1977 United States Conference of Research on The Shroud of Turin," Holy Shroud Guild: Bronx NY, 1977, p.38). 11/09/2007 "This was not an isolated instance. Other portraits such as this 11th century example (figure 13) from Daphni, near Athens, exhibited the same feature, generally in a more stylised form, but what made this line of thinking particularly significant was the discovery of some fifteen or so other features (figure 12) - a raised right eyebrow, a small triangle below the topless square, heavily accentuated eyes, an enlarged nostril, a hairless gap between lip and beard, exaggerated cheek markings, all of which seemed to occur with otherwise inexplicable repetitiveness in Byzantine portraits, and which seemed to be derived from the Shroud. (As in this 10th century, St. Angelo in Formos, Italy). The point Vignon never managed satisfactorily to explain was how, it the Shroud had had this profound influence on art that his work seemed to indicate, it could have remained apparently so unknown in history." (Wilson, I., "The Shroud's History Before the 14th Century," in Stevenson, K.E., ed., "Proceedings of the 1977 United States Conference of Research on The Shroud of Turin," Holy Shroud Guild: Bronx NY, 1977, p.39). 11/09/2007 "This is where I tried to push the argument further, and look in parallel at the tradition of Christ impressing his likeness on linen cloth, as on the Veronica (figure 14), seen here as the cloth relic looked in the 14th century, (being) held by a Pope. This so called Veronica cloth would seem to have been destroyed in 1527, there remaining in the original reliquary merely some form of cloth, but without an image. This was confirmed in 1907. We can trace the image-bearing cloth in Rome back to the 11th century but no further, and it would seem to have been merely a copy of an apparently similar looking cloth with a much longer history kept at that time in Constantinople. .... The concept of the woman dashing forward on the Via Dolorosa is late, 13th or 14th century. It's earlier form is a tradition merely of a woman Veronica possessing some form of cloth portrait of Jesus, and this can only be traced back to the 6th century as merely a Roman version of an early Eastern tradition about the same cloth just referred to as having been in Constantinople. Now it is this ancient cloth in Constantinople that is the whole focal-point of this study, because everything seems to lead back to it. Historians are agreed generally that it was the inspiration of the Veronica tradition and subsequent `relic.' And Byzantine/Eastern Orthodox tradition identifies this cloth portrait (in Constantinople) as the source of inspiration also for the likeness of Christ that we have studied in art." (Wilson, I., "The Shroud's History Before the 14th Century," in Stevenson, K.E., ed., "Proceedings of the 1977 United States Conference of Research on The Shroud of Turin," Holy Shroud Guild: Bronx NY, 1977, pp.40,43) 11/09/2007 "What then did it look like (figure 15)? Artists copies are varied, but their consistent feature is a front-facing face of Christ, depicted in a sepia monochrome, set curiously disembodied on a cloth. Descriptions of the composition of the image are quite riveting. I quote from a 10th century document, `... a moist secretion without coloring or artificial stain ...' The name eventually given to the cloth was the Mandylion, also known as the image `not made by hands' of Edessa. It was an undoubted historical object for a certain clearly definable period commencing with the 6th century, precisely the period we have seen the identifiable portraits tracing back to. At this time it was discovered in a niche above a gate of the city of Edessa (figure 16), a rather obscure little town now called Urfa in eastern Turkey. It had clearly been put in the niche, in which it was found along with a lamp and a tile, at some earlier period." (Wilson, I., "The Shroud's History Before the 14th Century," in Stevenson, K.E., ed., "Proceedings of the 1977 United States Conference of Research on The Shroud of Turin," Holy Shroud Guild: Bronx NY, 1977, p.43) 11/09/2007 "In 944 it was transferred from Edessa to Constantinople from where, in 1204 it disappeared during the Crusader sack of the city. Subsequently one or two odd icons have been claimed to be the original Mandylion but none have been conclusively identified as such. Historically therefore, what is interesting is that the period of the known existence of the Mandylion would fill in a very large gap in our knowledge of the history of the Shroud, if indeed this cloth was one and the same as the Shroud." (Wilson, I., "The Shroud's History Before the 14th Century," in Stevenson, K.E., ed., "Proceedings of the 1977 United States Conference of Research on The Shroud of Turin," Holy Shroud Guild: Bronx NY, 1977, p.44) 11/09/2007 "But was it the Shroud? There are large, apparent problems. 1. Artists copies and literary tradition alike suggest that there was no more than the face of Christ on the Mandylion. (figure 17) 2. Artists copies show Jesus' eyes open and staring on the cloth, as if alive. This is corroborated by contemporary ideas of how the image had been formed - one version suggesting that Jesus had asked to wash himself and then imprinted his likeness on the linen towel, another that the image had been created at the time of the agony in the garden, when St. Luke described Jesus' face streaming with a blood-like sweat, Jesus again creating the imprint by wiping his face on a linen cloth. 3. There is not the slightest idea from the documents of the time that the Mandylion cloth had been a burial wrapping. These facts forced one into one direction of thinking only - that if the cloth described was indeed the Shroud, those of the time did not know or recognize it as such, something explicable only by some peculiar manner in which it may have been mounted already at the time of it's discovery." (Wilson, I., "The Shroud's History Before the 14th Century," in Stevenson, K.E., ed., "Proceedings of the 1977 United States Conference of Research on The Shroud of Turin," Holy Shroud Guild: Bronx NY, 1977, p.44. Emphasis original) 11/09/2007 "Gradually a picture began to emerge. First, one 6th century account of the Mandylion specifically described it as `doubled in four.' I tried this on a photograph of the Shroud (figure 18). Doubled, then doubled again, the face on the Shroud emerged apparently disembodied, exactly as on the Mandylion copies (figure 19). A scale model of the Shroud doubled in four shows the face disembodied. (You wouldn't have had the disfiguring markings from the 1532 fire). Next there was something significant about the early copies of the Mandylion (figure 20) - those up to the time of it's disappearance. They showed the cloth apparently stretched flat and nailed by means of a fringe at each side. Literary accounts of the period confirmed this arrangement, specifically stating that the cloth was displayed stretched on a board. Access to the hidden folds might therefore have been impossible without dismantling. And there was one further piece of information provided first by the literary accounts, and then by art. Tenth century documents described the image as having been embellished or covered with gold. At first I thought that artists' copies bore no visual clue to what the covering or embellishment might have been. Then recently one feature on the copies that had been troubling me suddenly made sense. Most pre-1204 copies feature this trellis pattern. At first I thought it was a stylised way of representing the weave of the cloth, but it was too crude for this and too consistent from one copy to another. diagram Then I began to consider whether it might have been a depiction of the original cover or embellishment - and realized that if indeed there had been such a cover, with a folded cloth underneath, it would have effectively prevented anyone recognizing the Shroud as a shroud. There was one more feature to such an arrangement. Seen in isolation in this form the eyes on the Shroud, as visible on the cloth itself would appear open and staring, as in life, a ready explanation for the early stories of how Christ had made the imprint. Note the Shroud positive how one might see the eyes as open (figure 18)." (Wilson, I., "The Shroud's History Before the 14th Century," in Stevenson, K.E., ed., "Proceedings of the 1977 United States Conference of Research on The Shroud of Turin," Holy Shroud Guild: Bronx NY, 1977, pp.44-46) 11/09/2007 "A clinching factor to the trellis-cover argument was the discovery in Parthian art of similar trellis-style embellishment used to adorn the costume of Parthian vassal kings. There is an excellent example of this on a Parthian statue of King Uthal of Hatra in Mosul Museum. For it was to precisely such a Parthian vassal-king of Edessa, Abgar V, a definite historical monarch that legend said the Mandylion had been taken back in the 1st century A.D., there being extensive series of documents about a Christian mission to Edessa at this period. It was at this time that I believe the trellis cover was imposed, perhaps deliberately to disguise the somewhat unacceptable nature of the cloth as the wrapping of a dead body. Abgar would seem to have at least tolerated the Christians but one of his successors was less kindly disposed and began persecutions, which would have been about 57 A.D. It would have been in this episode that the Mandylion/Shroud disappeared. The subsequent discovery in the 6th century of course meaning that those who discovered them would have no idea what had taken place beforehand." (Wilson, I., "The Shroud's History Before the 14th Century," in Stevenson, K.E., ed., "Proceedings of the 1977 United States Conference of Research on The Shroud of Turin," Holy Shroud Guild: Bronx NY, 1977, p.46) 11/09/2007 "There are many aspects which are quite impossible to deal with in the allotted time. Suffice it to say that late in the Mandylion's stay in Constantinople someone appears to have undone the trellis cover and seen for the first time the full-length figure on the cloth. This is the implication from 12th century documents which suddenly actually describe a full-length figure on the Mandylion, and from art of the time which suddenly begins to depict a figure of Christ (figure 21) with hands crossed over the loins in the character (manner) of the Shroud. This would support the veracity of the French Crusader, Robert de Clari's description of the (figure-bearing) sydoine he saw in Constantinople in 1203." (Wilson, I., "The Shroud's History Before the 14th Century," in Stevenson, K.E., ed., "Proceedings of the 1977 United States Conference of Research on The Shroud of Turin," Holy Shroud Guild: Bronx NY, 1977, pp.46-47) 11/09/2007 "We have then the matter of the cloth's fate after 1204 when according to the Crusader, `neither Greek nor Frenchman knew what became of it.' This is the most mysterious period of all. But whoever came to possess it would seem to have possessed vast wealth, or otherwise they would have sold such a valuable relic; also they must have had some motive for keeping it secretly to themselves. To me the prime suspects seem to have been the Order of Knights Templar, who had a great veneration for the Holy Sepulchre, and built for themselves vast fortresses so heavily guarded that they became the banks of Europe, and so mysterious that rumours began to circulate of secret Templar ceremonies at which some great relic was venerated, a relic which had the appearance of the face of an unidentified bearded man upon a panel. In 1307 the rumours were all that were needed to give the King of France the excuse to lay his hands on Templar wealth by arresting every member of the Order, not without a struggle, a struggle in which the mysterious `idol' the Templars were accused of possessing certainly disappeared. Just one clue survives to the appearance of the last Templar `idol,' a clue found in the tiny village of Templecombe in England, once the home of a Templar preceptory. During the demolition of a cottage outhouse in the 1950's there came to light this oak panel painting (figure 22), undoubtedly Templar, answering exactly the documentary descriptions of the `idol' and with the uncanny appearance of being a copy of the face on the Shroud." (Wilson, I., "The Shroud's History Before the 14th Century," in Stevenson, K.E., ed., "Proceedings of the 1977 United States Conference of Research on The Shroud of Turin," Holy Shroud Guild: Bronx NY, 1977, pp.46-47) 11/09/2007 "If the Shroud was indeed the idol possessed by the Templars, one further clue survives as to it's fate. In 1314 two of the last Templar dignitaries were brought out to be burnt at the stake, proclaiming to the last their innocence (figure 23). One was the Order's Grand Master, Jacques de Molay, the other the Order's Master of Normandy, Geoffrey de Charny. We do not know definitely if there was a family relationship between Geoffrey de Charny the Templar and Geoffrey I de Charny of Lirey, first known owner of the Shroud. But the likelihood is there. One may postulate the Shroud ripped or cut from it's panel at the time of the Templar capture, stuffed under a jerkin, and spirited away to safety with relatives of the Master of Normandy. The episode fits exactly the sort of murky past Geoffrey de Charny of Lirey would simply not have been able to reveal, particularly as a French King and Pope had been heavily implicated in the Templar demise. Such is the bizarre chain of events that I believe constitutes the hitherto `lost' 1300 years of the Shroud's history." (Wilson, I., "The Shroud's History Before the 14th Century," in Stevenson, K.E., ed., "Proceedings of the 1977 United States Conference of Research on The Shroud of Turin," Holy Shroud Guild: Bronx NY, 1977, pp.48-49) 11/09/2007 "However, if we look to images from this time of Jesus laid out Shroud-like in death with crossed hands - the Shroud pose that has so unjustifiably been criticised as indicative of artistic `modesty' - we are far from disappointed. In Budapest's National Széchenyi Library is a book called the Pray Manuscript [It is so named after its eighteenth-century discoverer Georgius Pray], greatly prized by Hungarians as the first surviving text in their language, and reliably thought to have been created at their Boldva Benedictine monastery between 1192 and 1195. But from the Shroud point of view by far its greatest interest is its four pages of coloured drawings, and in particular the third of these ..., which shows in its upper register Joseph of Arimathea and Nicodemus preparing Jesus's dead body for burial, with in the lower register the three Marys visiting the angel-guarded empty tomb. When I first came across this back in the 1970s, I was particularly struck by the way, in the upper register, Jesus's dead body is depicted in a quite unmistakably Shroud-like pose and totally nude, this latter feature alone certainly atypical of most Byzantine art. This seemed sufficient reason in itself for including it in my first book published in 1978. However, what I had failed to spot were other features linking it and its associated drawings even more closely to our Shroud, features which subsequently came to be noticed by French scholars, most notably by ... Professor Jerome Lejeune ... For instance, first, and specifically in the case of the manuscript's Shroud-like depiction of Jesus's dead body, the drawing shows all four fingers of each of Jesus's hands, but no thumbs, exactly as on the Shroud. Whereas in the manuscript's other drawings Jesus's thumbs are depicted perfectly normally. Second, in this same drawing of Jesus's dead body, just over Jesus's right eye there is a single forehead bloodstain, delineated in red, located in exactly the same position as the very distinctive `3'-shaped stain on the man of the Shroud's forehead. Third, in one of the manuscript's other drawings, of Christ Enthroned, while Jesus's left hand is depicted with the nail wound through his palm, the wound in his right hand appears unmistakably, and most unusually, to be through his wrist." (Wilson, I., "The Blood and the Shroud: New Evidence that the World's Most Sacred Relic is Real," Simon & Schuster: New York NY, 1998, pp.145-146) 11/09/2007 "Possibly the most tell-tale feature of all, however, is one that was first reported in 1986 by the Dominican monk Pere A. M. Dubarle of St Joseph's Convent, Paris. In the lower register of the manuscript's page with the Shroud body there can be seen a shroud, obviously Jesus's, partly rolled up on the lid of the sarcophagus representing Jesus's tomb. If this piece of cloth is studied very closely, it can be seen that it bears a set of tiny `poker holes', three in a line and then one offset ... precisely corresponding to the four groups of these still visible on the Shroud ... and known to predate the 1532 fire. Another, larger, set of this same arrangement of holes can be seen on the sarcophagus lid itself. As Professor Lejeune felt bound to conclude from his study of all these different features: `Such precise details are not to be found together on any other known [Christ] image - except the Shroud which is in Turin. One is therefore forced to conclude that the artist of the Pray manuscript had before his eyes ... some model which possessed all the characteristics of the Shroud which is in Turin. [Lejeune, J., "Etude topologique des Suaires de Turin, de Lier et de Pray', L'Identification Scientifique de 1'Homme du Linceul Jesus de Nazareth: Actes de Symposium Scientifique International, Rome 1993, Upinsky, A.A., ed., CIELT, François-Xavier de Guibert: Paris, 1995, p.107]" (Wilson, I., "The Blood and the Shroud: New Evidence that the World's Most Sacred Relic is Real," Simon & Schuster: New York NY, 1998, pp.146-147) 11/09/2007 "After having been Byzantine in the sixth century, Edessa and its Christ-imprinted cloth fell into Moslem hands in the seventh century, as a result of which it was only in 943 that the Moslems became sufficiently weak, and the Byzantines proportionately strong, for the latter to make a determined attempt to win the cloth rightfully back for Christendom. Accordingly, Constantinople's Emperor Romanus sent a whole army eastwards for it, headed by his best general, John Curcuas who, on camping before Edessa's gates, astonished the Moslem emir by promising the town immunity from attack, the release of two hundred Moslem prisoners and the payment of twelve thousand silver pieces, all for just one thing - the cloth with Jesus's imprint. Despite such an offer seeming too good to refuse (particularly for a Moslem), the perplexed emir actually sent to his superiors in Baghdad for advice, with Curcuas and his army cooling their heels in the meantime. But then at last word came back that the Byzantine terms should be accepted, as a result of which the high-ranking Orthodox clergy whom Curcuas had brought with him, after making checks that they had been handed over the true cloth (there was apparently at least one attempt to deceive them), duly transported this the breadth of Antolia, the troops of Curcuas escorting them all the way. On 15 August 944 ... the cloth was carried by boat across the Bosphorus to St Mary at Blachernae, where it was viewed and venerated by Byzantine's royals. The next day, which would become the cloth's own special feast day (still celebrated in the Eastern Orthodox Church) it was carried around Constantinople's walls, thereby specifically establishing; it as the city's new palladian, theoretically yet more powerful than Blachernae's Virgin's robe. Then both at Hagia Sophia and in the throne-room of the Sacred Palace it was accorded a special coronation and enthroning, symbolically establishing (or reaffirming) it as Constantinople's very special `King of Kings'. Finally after all this and other ceremonial it was laid to rest in its own special place in the Sacred Palace's Chapel of the Pharos, there joining the emperor's matchless collection of relics of the Passion." (Wilson, I., "The Blood and the Shroud: New Evidence that the World's Most Sacred Relic is Real," Simon & Schuster: New York NY, 1998, pp.148-149) 11/09/2007 "What, then, was this cloth, that it held such enormous importance to the Byzantine people? If one talks to some modern-day scholars, such as the now-venerable Crusades historian Sir Steven Runciman, or the classicist Professor Averil Cameron of King's College, London, they will summarily dismiss it as merely `some old icon whose origins we cannot possibly hope to trace.' They will also insist that it could not possibly have been our Shroud because the word `Mandylion', the name often later given to the Edessa cloth in Byzantine art, could not have denoted anything of such a size. ... But were the Byzantines, the successors of the ancient Greeks, really so gullible that they would have gone to such elaborate lengths, and indulged in such excessive ceremonial, just for some old painting ...? Also, can we really be sure that the Edessa cloth was the handkerchief size that Sir Steven and Professor Cameron contend? Distant though Gervase of Tilbury and Ordericus Vitalis were from Byzantium, how could they have come to believe that the Edessa cloth bore the full imprint of Jesus's body, if it was really that small?" (Wilson, I., "The Blood and the Shroud: New Evidence that the World's Most Sacred Relic is Real," Simon & Schuster: New York NY, 1998, p.149. Emphasis original) 11/09/2007 "And what did the Byzantines themselves say about this cloth that they had acquired at such expense in 943-4? It so happens that one year after the Edessa cloth had been brought to Constantinople a special Official History of it was written for its feast day, copies of which survive in manuscript form. In this the author unmistakably speaks of Shroud-like characteristics in the cloth's key feature, its imprint. He was clearly perplexed about this, because he went to the lengths of providing two quite different versions of how it may have been formed, freely admitting that `it would not be at all surprising if the facts had often been distorted in view of the time that has elapsed'. Thus according to the first version of the story that he gave - and it is one that can be found from as early as the sixth century - the image became formed when Jesus asked to wash himself and left it on the towel he used to dry his face. According to the second version, for which no surviving antecedent is known, it purportedly came about following Jesus's agony in the Garden of Gethsemane, when according to Luke's gospel `his sweat fell to the ground like great drops of blood'. [Lk 22:44] Reputedly Jesus again took a piece of cloth, wiped his face on it and produced an imprint, this time obviously a bloodier one." (Wilson, I., "The Blood and the Shroud: New Evidence that the World's Most Sacred Relic is Real," Simon & Schuster: New York NY, 1998, pp.149-150) 11/09/2007 "Now clearly neither of these versions tells us that the Byzantines knew as at AD 945 that this cloth was Jesus's burial shroud. For if they had, we would have none of our present difficulties. In the face of such initially conflicting information we can only provisionally suggest that perhaps at that time the Shroud was folded so that only the face was visible and knowledge of its full figure only came later, when the cloth had been more fully examined. This would account for Ordericus Vitalis's and Gervase of Tilbury's quite different ideas about the size of the cloth, even though they otherwise followed the original story. Also we can at least say that the water/sweat details in the Official History's author's accounts of the Edessa cloth image's creation sound uncannily like the characteristics of the Shroud's image. At the very beginning of the Official History the author also speaks of the image as `a moist secretion without colouring or painter's art ... made in the linen cloth'. It is his speaking only of a face on the cloth, as if unaware of any other feature, that represents the biggest stumbling-clock. But crucially, can we establish exactly what this face looked like? There are only a few surviving direct copies of the cloth of Edessa dating from its two and a half centuries in Constantinople, all varying one from the other, Byzantine art being notoriously non-naturalistic:-Some of these, such as the `Holy Face of Laon', the `Holy Face of Genoa' also, arguably, Rome's famous `Veronica', reached the West, where they achieved their own cult status and became prey to overpainting and adaptations of their size. However, even these convey at least one essential characteristic, that the Edessa cloth's face was a brownish monochrome, rigidly front facing and disembodied-looking on its cloth, certainly rather more than a little reminiscent of the Shroud." (Wilson, I., "The Blood and the Shroud: New Evidence that the World's Most Sacred Relic is Real," Simon & Schuster: New York NY, 1998, pp.150-151) 11/09/2007 "Arguably more reliable, because they would have been less prey to alteration, are copies that can (or in some cases could) be found among murals in Serbian, Russian and Cypriot churches, such as at Gradac, Studenica, Kato Lefkara ..., Spas Nereditsa ..., and elsewhere. These convey other recurring possible clues to the original's appearance, such as (on some) a lattice-type decoration, possibly from some kind of grille that once covered the cloth, also the face being set on a landscape-aspect cloth - i.e. something much wider and emptier at the sides than any artist would normally have chosen if he were setting out to paint a face on just any piece of canvas. One particularly interesting Edessa cloth copy... was discovered only a few years ago by the acknowledged expert in Cappadocian frescos Lennox Manton (a retired dentist), who very kindly brought it to my attention. This is painted above an arch in the Sakli or `Hidden' church in the Goreme region of central Turkey, roughly halfway between Urfa/Edessa and Istanbul/Constantinople. It dates to the tenth or early eleventh century and, despite some damage to the face, its general resemblance to the facial portion on the Shroud is really quite remarkable. There is the same sepia-coloured, disembodied, rigidly frontal face on the same landscape cloth. (If we isolate the Shroud's facial area, then its sides are indeed wide in relation to the face ...). And when we know, as we do from the Official History, that this same Edessa cloth's imprint had the appearance of `a moist secretion without colouring or painter's art', then can we really believe that this could not have been our Shroud?" (Wilson, I., "The Blood and the Shroud: New Evidence that the World's Most Sacred Relic is Real," Simon & Schuster: New York NY, 1998, p.151. Emphasis original) 11/09/2007 "Obviously much depends on whether there really was more to the Edessa cloth than ostensibly met the eye, or whether Sir Steven Runciman and Professor Cameron are right that this can solely have been a face only on a handkerchief-sized piece of linen. Deserving mention is that the term `Mandylion', which Sir Steven Runciman seems to have regarded as so crucial to his argument, is used nowhere in the lengthy Official History of the cloth, its earliest known incidence being in c. 990, and then only in the biography of an ascetic, Paul of Mount Latros, who merely receives a vision of this cloth. Out of several dozen references to the cloth of Edessa collected by the German scholar Ernst von Dobschutz, only three use the term. ... Furthermore, when we look to other indications of the cloth of Edessa's size we find that the eighth-century Greek theologian John of Damascus described it as a himation, evoking the two-yards-wide by three- yards-long outer garment worn by the ancient Greeks. Although these latter were not known for their prudishness, even they might have found a pocket-handkerchief-sized himation a little skimpy. Likewise, in the late tenth century Leo the Deacon spoke of the image as on a peplos, unequivocally denoting a full-size robe." (Wilson, I., "The Blood and the Shroud: New Evidence that the World's Most Sacred Relic is Real," Simon & Schuster: New York NY, 1998, pp.151-152) 11/09/2007 "For myself, however, by far the most illuminating of all the words used for the Edessa cloth has to have been tetradiplon, even though it only occurs twice, once in a sixth-century manuscript and once in the Official History. As a word in Greek, this is extremely rare and completely unknown outside the two abovementioned texts. Yet it is perfectly understandable, since it is a compound of the two ordinary words tetra meaning 'four' and diplon meaning `doubled' - thus `doubled in four'. Why should the cloth of Edessa have been described as 'doubled in four'? Inevitably this can only have had something to do with the way the cloth was once folded. It provided my cue, more than a quarter of a century ago, to experiment with what might happen if one tried folding the Shroud in four-by-two folds, as the word seemed to suggest ... . When I tried this with the aid of a photograph, the revelation was something akin to Secondo Pia's discovery of the hidden negative. To my utter astonishment, the Shroud face appeared strangely disembodied, on a landscape-aspect cloth, exactly as it appears on the pre-1204 Edessa cloth copies, such as at Sakli, Gradac and Studenica, some of which I did not even know of at that time." (Wilson, I., "The Blood and the Shroud: New Evidence that the World's Most Sacred Relic is Real," Simon & Schuster: New York NY, 1998, p.152) 11/09/2007 "Now if one imagined the cloth folded in this way, mounted on a board and decorated with some kind of gold covering, preventing easy access to the inner folds (and all this is precisely what the Official History describes of the Edessa cloth's early mode of conservation), then it is very easy to see how anyone viewing it might well suppose there was no more to the image than this face. It is also easy to understand how anyone, not knowing of the Shroud's hidden negative, would 'see' Jesus's eyes as open and staring, for that is exactly how they look on the cloth itself and it is indeed how later copyists of what was undoubtedly the Turin Shroud often depicted them. It would therefore be very understandable for people at any time when the cloth was displayed in this manner to suppose that its image had been made while Jesus was still alive (particularly if this was what earlier tradition dictated), the only jarring feature being the bloodflows on the forehead and hair. And this seems to have been precisely what disturbed the author of the Official History, hence his second version of the story of the image's creation that it derived from the `bloody sweat' that flowed down Jesus's face during the agony in Gethsemane." (Wilson, I., "The Blood and the Shroud: New Evidence that the World's Most Sacred Relic is Real," Simon & Schuster: New York NY, 1998, pp.152-153) 11/09/2007 "There is even an indication that only shortly after the Edessa cloth's arrival in Constantinople some people, in a more privileged position than the rest, were actually able to see more on it than just the face. In 1987 Professor Gino Zaninotto, a classics scholar living in Rome, browsing in the Vatican Library, happened to come across a Byzantine manuscript that I was completely unaware of when I did my original research in the 1960s and '70s ... . This was a sermon written by one Gregory, archdeacon of Constantinople's Hagia Sophia Cathedral at the very time of the Edessa cloth's arrival in Constantinople in 944, in which, as a man who had obviously seen at least something of its image for himself, Gregory made clear that he could not agree with the idea of it having been formed by Jesus washing himself. Instead, obviously following the same thoughts as expressed by the author of the Official History, he remarked that the cloth must have become:'... imprinted with the drops of sweat from the agony [in Gethsemane], which flowed from the face of the Prince of Life [i.e. Jesus] like drops of blood.' But then he went on with a statement that hardly makes any sense unless he was referring to something so very like the Shroud as to make little difference. In his words: 'And the image, since those flows, has been embellished by [blood] drops from his very side, the two [things] are full of symbolism, blood and water here, and there the sweat of the face.' In other words, according to Gregory, who had seen it for himself, the Edessa cloth's imprint included, in addition to watery blood on the face, a stain from the lance-wound in Jesus's side. In all logic, such a stain could only have become transferred onto the cloth after Jesus had been brought down dead from the cross. Hence, and even though Gregory, back in the tenth century, declined to pursue this further, since to do so he would have had to deny tradition, this cloth had to be Jesus's burial shroud." (Wilson, I., "The Blood and the Shroud: New Evidence that the World's Most Sacred Relic is Real," Simon & Schuster: New York NY, 1998, pp.153-154. Emphasis original) 11/09/2007 "Nor does the evidence stop here. For if the Edessa cloth was indeed one and the same as our Shroud, then we ought to find some evidence on the latter, in the form of old crease-marks, that it was 'doubled in four' for some lengthy period. In fact, when the American STURP team did their exhaustive examination and photography of the Shroud in 1978, one of the lesser-known parts of their programme was raking light photography specifically to show up such creases. The photographs revealed the cloth's surface to be criss-crossed with literally hundreds of old marks of this kind, but a truly significant set of ridge and valley fold marks showed up almost exactly where the `doubled in four' reconstruction dictated that it should ... [Jackson, J., "Fold marks as a Historical Record of the Turin Shroud," Shroud Spectrum, Issue 11, 1984, pp.6-29]. Furthermore, from the slightly uneven way that these creases fall and the fact that there is an evenly spaced bunch of four at one particular location, STURP's Dr John Jackson has even very convincingly reconstructed how the doubling in four followed a particular order that included part of the Shroud being folded around a square-shaped block of wood that would have run its full width. As Jackson further deduced, if the Shroud were kept in a casket slightly wider than its full width and there were a mechanical device for pulling it upwards from the fold line level with the front shoulders, then the Shroud body would appear to raise itself jack-in-the-box style from its casket in exactly the manner Robert de Clari reported of what he saw at the church of St Mary at Blachernae ... ." (Wilson, I., "The Blood and the Shroud: New Evidence that the World's Most Sacred Relic is Real," Simon & Schuster: New York NY, 1998, p.156) 11/09/2007 "The biggest and most beautiful of the churches was the cathedral, completely rebuilt and redesigned after an earlier one was destroyed in a disastrous flood in 525. And it was in this cathedral that our cloth of Edessa came to be stored in its own special chapel with its own caretaker, brought out once a year or so for a special ceremony, but too holy ever to be shown publicly in the manner of the Lirey and Turin Shroud. A hymn datable to 569 likens the colour of the cathedral's marble to that of `the image not made by human hands', a common way of describing the imprint on our Edessa cloth, and this is the earliest positive reference to its historical existence during this period. ... Certainly it seems no coincidence that it was precisely from the time of the cloth of Edessa's emergence as a historical object - tradition had it that it was found above a gate when the Persians were besieging Edessa in 544 - that there appeared in art the distinctive front-facing Christ likeness remarked on at the beginning of this chapter. And the affinities of this likeness, even back in the sixth century, to the face on our Shroud (alias the cloth of Edessa), are very striking indeed." (Wilson, I., "The Blood and the Shroud: New Evidence that the World's Most Sacred Relic is Real," Simon & Schuster: New York NY, 1998, p.156) 11/09/2007 "As but one demonstration, though worth citing, because they inevitably carry a date far firmer than any radiocarbon dating, are the gold coins of the Byzantine Emperor Justinian II, who had two reigns, the first between 685 and 695, the second between 705 and 711. Justinian was the first Christian ruler ever to mint coins with Jesus's facial likeness on them and in doing so, in what is thought to have been AD 692, he had his coin engraver display the Jesus face on the coins' obverse or `heads' side, with Justinian's own standing image, in palpable inferiority, on the `tails' or reverse. A splendid specimen of one of these gold solidi is in the museum at St Gallen, Switzerland..., and the general resemblance to the face on the Shroud, particularly given the tiny size of the coin, is quite astonishing." (Wilson, I., "The Blood and the Shroud: New Evidence that the World's Most Sacred Relic is Real," Simon & Schuster: New York NY, 1998, p.158) 11/09/2007 "A clearly painted variant of the same likeness, and dating even earlier, can be seen on a Christ Pantocrator icon in St Catherine's Monastery, Sinai .... Among the several indications that this dates to the sixth century, accepted by specialists such as Princeton University's Professor Kurt Weitzmann, are that it was painted using a special encaustic wax technique, the methodology of which subsequently died out. Again, the most striking parallels to the Shroud face can be pointed out. An American researcher, Dr Alan Whanger, has developed a special polaroid projection technique that has shown up some one hundred and seventy points of `congruence' between this and the Sinai icon. [Whanger, A.D., "Polarized Overlay Technique: A New Image Comparison Method and Its Applications," Applied Optics, Vol. 24, No. 16, 15 March 1985, pp.766- 772]" (Wilson, I., "The Blood and the Shroud: New Evidence that the World's Most Sacred Relic is Real," Simon & Schuster: New York NY, 1998, p.159) 11/09/2007 "But is there some way, perhaps akin to fingerprinting, to demonstrate the absolutely specific influence of the Shroud, and no other, on such early Christ likenesses? Indeed there is. Even before World War II the French scholar Paul Vignon most exhaustively traced numerous recurring oddities on such early portraits, features such as a raised eyebrow, a `V' shape between the eyebrows, an enlarged left nostril, a heavy line under the lower lip, a transverse line across the throat and much else ..., all of which seemed to indicate some common source of inspiration and all of which, as Vignon showed, corresponded to identical features to be seen on the Shroud .... " (Wilson, I., "The Blood and the Shroud: New Evidence that the World's Most Sacred Relic is Real," Simon & Schuster: New York NY, 1998, p.159) 11/09/2007 "However, one example may serve for the rest. Behind an insignificant-looking locked door in the via Alessandro Poerio in Rome's Trastevere district is one of Rome's lesser-known catacombs, that of S. Ponziano, and deep within this, just above a steeply descending walkway lined by bone-filled burial niches, can be seen a fresco of a Christ Pantocrator ... of the essentially identical kind to that on Justinian II's solidi and reliably datable to the same period. At Christ's eyebrows (though lamentable neglect has caused recent fading), the artist painted a distinctive topless square, starkly geometrical and quite at variance with the naturalism of the rest of the portrait. Why should the artist have chosen such an odd way to represent the eyebrows? On the Shroud, readily visible in exactly the equivalent place, is precisely the same topless square. But might this be just another feature which the Shroud's mediaeval forger incorporated to give his image extra authenticity? Hardly, since the Ponziano catacomb was closed down in AD 820 and not reopened until well after the Middle Ages. In a very real sense, therefore, the Ponziano catacomb Pantocrator represents the exact equivalent of Robinson Crusoe's finding the footprint of someone other than himself on his supposedly uninhabited island. It tells us that instead of there being no evidence for the Shroud before the 1350s, it really was in existence as early as the sixth and seventh centuries. And if it indeed was, then it can hardly have been other